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AUTHOR: 


COON, RAYMOND H. 


TITLE: 


FOREIGNER IN HELLE- 
NISTIC COMEDY 


PLACE: 


CHICAGO, ILL. 


DATE: 


1920 





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Coan. Raymond Huntington. 
The foreianer in Hellenistic comeny=(hU microform. 
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87 πίη, | 
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Che University of Chicago 


THE FOREIGNER IN” 
HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


A DISSERTATION 


SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY 
OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE 
IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
DOCT@R OF PHILOSOPHY 


DEPARTMENT OF LATIN 


BY 


RAYMOND H UNTINGTON COON 


Private Edition, Distributed By : 
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIBRARIES 
~CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 


1920 





eae 
1 HELLENIST 








TABLE OF CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 
Preface 


: Introduction 

- The Foreigner in Aristophanes and the Fragments of Old Comedy.... 

- The Mental and Moral Characteristics of the Foreigner in Hellenistic 
Εν chau bcc τε Fete νον ν εν ἐν ἐν εἰ 

. The Costume of the Foreigner in Hellenistic Comedy...... 

- The Dialect of the Foreigner in Aristophanes and in Hellenistic 
ΝΥΝ Pre Peer er ee rie OR ek κυ κὸ 

: The Foreigner in the Technique of Hellenistic Comedy 


To MY FATHER 


REUNE RUNYON COON 


+ 
Ei 
2 
τ 
Η 
Pa 
a 
τῷ 
a 








The Collegiate Press 
GEORGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY 
MENASHA, WISCONSIN 


1920 





PREFACE 


In the following discussion I have attempted to treat the character 
of the foreigner in Hellenistic comedy, with a brief consideration of 
the same character in Aristophanes and Old Comedy by way of 
introduction. There are two distinct aspects of the subject, the 
content of the character, and his function in the technique of the 
plays. 

Citations from Aristophanes are taken from the Oxford Classical 
Text (Hall and Geldart, 1900); those from Plautus are taken from the 
Oxford Classical Text (Lindsay, 1903); and those from Terence are 
from Dziatzko’s edition (1884). The fragments of Greek comedy 
are quoted from Kock Com. Aitic. Frag., and those of Latin comedy 
from Ribbeck Com. Rom. Frag. 3d ed. 

I desire here to express my obligation to the several instructors 


in the departments of Greek and Latin in the University of Chicago. 
My gratitude is especially due to Professor H. W. Prescott, who 
suggested the subject of this thesis, and who has very generously 
assisted me at every stage of the work. 


RAYMOND H. Coon. 
William Jewell College, 
Liberty, Mo. 
August 4, 1920. 














CHAPTER I 


INTRODUCTION 


The foreigner is a frequent object of satirical attack in ancient 
and modern comedy. English plays of the seventeenth and eigh- 
teenth centuries abound in unfavorable characterizations. The 
French fop, whose vanity alone can be appealed to, appears in Van- 
brugh The Relapse I ii: “Say nothing to him, . . . speak to his 
cravat, his feather, his snuff box, and when you are well with them 
desire him to lend you £1000.” Dryden’s Epilog to Sir Fopling by 
Etheridge calls the French fop ‘God Almighty’s fool.’ The affectation 
of the French lady is described in The Provoked Wife by the same 
author II i: “There is not a feature in your face but you have found 
the way to teach it some affected convulsion; your feet, your hands, 
your very fingers’ ends, are directed never to move without some 
ridiculous air or other; and your language is a suitable trumpet to 
draw people’s eyes upon the rare-show.” In Foote’s Englishman 
Returned from Paris the Englishman is ridiculed for talking half 
French, half English, for employing three French valets to help him 
make his toilet, etc. Throat-cutting is Italian humor in Behn’s 
Town Fop V i. The German language is the object of contempt in 
Baillie’s Enthusiasm I iii: “Did he pray in the German tongue?’ — 
Answer, ‘‘No, heaven forbid, madam, that he should speak to his 
creator in such a jargon as that.” The longwinded German philoso- 
pher and his manner of talking are taken off in Baillie’s The Alienated 
Manor I ii, where the German speaks: “Ὁ you talk of de vertues 
cardinalls, de great, de grand, de sublime vertues; dat be de ting, de 
one only ting . . . Hear you me. De sublime vertue is de grand, 
de only vertue. I prove you dis. Now we shall say, here is de good- 
tempered man; he not quarrel, he not fret, he disturb nobody. Very 
well; let him, let him live de next door to me. But what all dat 
mean? O dat he is de good-tempered man.”” The Jew has a keen eye 
for business and is not over scrupulous, Dibdin School for Prejudice 
IV i; in IL i Ephraim says: “1 began mit little but I took care of it— 
Tis de great secret in ma trade; dere’s many of ma tribe keeps a 
coach, vat was first set a running upon rollers.”” In Lessing’s Minna 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


von Barnhelm the character of Riccaut de la Marliniere is a dismissed 
French officer, a braggart and a coward. He is a gambler, and to 
cheat with him is to correct fortune. He represents the foreign 
adventurer in the Prussian army for the sake of dishonest gain. 

Not only the foreigner from another land but the stranger from 
another part of the same country or from another city provides an 
object of ridicule or fun for an audience. The Bostonian with his 
broad a, the southerner with his difficulty in pronouncing r, the 
somnolent Philadelphian, and the porcine Chicagoan, are examples. 

The word foreigner in this paper is intended to cover not only 
non-Greeks but all Greeks who were not citizens of Athens. There is 
a justification for this point of view, which does not exist in the case 
of modern states, in that the πόλις was the political unit—at least for a 
part of the period which is covered; and the traditions of the Greeks, 
especially of the Athenians, would tend to make them regard even 
Greek outsiders with local prejudice well down into the monarchical 
period. Unthinking persons of all times and all places have regarded 
the foreigner with something less than fairmindedness. The Athen- 
ians were no exception to this rule, and in fact carried the attitude 
farther than other countries and other city-states of Greece,! owing 
perhaps to their great superiority to all peoples with whom they came 
in contact, and their full consciousness of it. Naturally Greek cities 
arrived at a stronger feeling of their racial unity during the monarchy 
than during the period of the city-state. Yet nationalism was none 
too strong, and conservative Athens kept many features of a city- 
state fora long time. This is indicated in no other way better than 
by the inferior social, political, and legal status at Athens, even down 
to late Hellenistic times,? of the person who was not an Athenian 


1 There was, of course, a large distinction between their attitude toward a 
non-Athenian Greek and that toward a non-Greek. Wilamowitz Staat und 
Gesellschaft p. 38 says: Der “draussen,” ἐχθρός, ist dem Griechen der Feind 
geworden: der “‘fremde,”’ ξένος, dagegen der Gast und Gastfreund. Cf. ibid. 52. 

* See Ferguson Hellenistic Athens pp. 245, 246, 262. On p. 308 he points out 
that as late as 205 B.c. foreign residents of Athens could be designated slaves, so 
inferior was their status to that of foreigners elsewhere. He says that the social and 
religious changes elsewhere met counter movements in Athens to preserve the old 
usages of the city-state, its deities and cults. Ethnic organizations were formed, 
p. 316; there were foreign guilds of ship owners and commission merchants, p. 375; 
foreigners were permitted to associate in clubs for religious purposes, known as 
thtasotae, pp. 217-19. Not until the second century B.c. was the prejudice to any 





Ere PIAA a iE ulna cee ini MRR OS lm ae ἐν, Ὁ ὦ 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 9 


citizen. The term alien is employed in the sense ‘non-Athenian 
Greek.’ This use is suggested by the meaning of alien in Attic law, 
in which it is confined to the Greek foreigner. The term barbarian 
naturally is used only of the non-Greek; and outlander, which occurs 
infrequently, is also so limited. 

Inasmuch as a number of words are applied to the foreigner in Greek 
and Roman comedy it will be necessary to determine the meanings 
and uses of each. Βάρβαρος is a word of much interest outside of 
comedy as well as within 11. No Greek writer employs it more often 
or with more varied significations than Euripides. They are largely 
unfavorable and show Euripides’ innate contempt for barbarians. 
Aristophanes uses the word at times in its original sense of language 
unintelligible to the Greeks, as in Birds 199; he uses it likewise of 
people born in a foreign land, as in Birds 1700; of vulgar manners, 
and of lack of intelligence. It is used in the sense of brutal in 
Menander’s Epitrepontes 477. Βάρβαρος is used in the fragments with 
about the same range of meanings.§ In Eubulus 109 it refers to 
language, in Pherecrates 68 and anonymous 1427, 28 it is applied 
to non-Greeks. In anonymous 634 the feeling of Greek superiority 
is strong: ἐγώ σε προσκυνήσω, BapBape. 

The word ἐκτόπιος is not found in extant comedy. It occurs in 
relation to comedy in Athenaeus 659a and is applied to the cook ‘from 
outside’ in contrast with πολιτικός, which is used of the native cook. 





large extent overcome, when citizenship was conferred and inter-marriage fol- 
lowed, p. 423. On the legal position of the alien at Athens see Gilbert Constiiue 
tutional Antiquities pp. 176 ff. On clubs of foreigners at Athens see Poland 
Vereinswesen pp. 303 ff., index s.v. Fremde. For the general condition of 
foreigners of all kinds at Athens see Zimmern The Greek Commonwealth 2nd ed. p. 
370 n. and pp. 378 ff.; Francotte Dela Condition des Etrangers dans les Cités grecques. 

$A dissertation βάρβαρος quid significaverit by A. Eichhorn discusses the use 
of the word in Gk. literature from Homer to Demosthenes. In the summary of 
the results of his study pp. 60-64 he gives an excellent résumé of the original and 
acquired meanings of barbaros. Freeman History of Sicily I pp. 306, 307 dis- 
cusses the meaning of the word ‘barbarian’ to the Greeks. Cf. Pauly-Wissowa 
Realenc. s.v. barbaroi; Dar. et. Sag. Dict. des Ant. s.v. barbari. 


4 Eichhorn op. cit. pp. 30-38 discusses Eurip. at length. 
5 See Eichhorn’s treatment of Aristoph. op. cit. pp. 38-40. 


6 All the instances of the use of the word in the collection of Meineke Frag. 
Com. Graec. are given in the lexicon of Jacoby 5. v. βάρβαρος 





10 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Eustathius 1751, 53 ff. uses the word in the same connection. He is, 
however, without doubt merely following Athenaeus.’ 

tévos is varied in its meanings. Its original sense of guest-friend 
(or host) is rather frequent.* More often it has the sense of stranger 
(either neutral or slightly friendly, usually with some condescension), 
especially in Aristophanes.® It occurs occasionally with the meaning 
allies! with the meaning mercenaries, and once in the sense of a 
resident alien. Finally ξένος with the meaning of foreigner in a more 
or less unfavorable sense is common in Aristophanes and the frag- 
ments.! The repeated statements of scholiasts and other critics that 
a certain man is satirized as a ξένος in a certain comic passage show 
how general the use of the word in that sense must have been. 

The word barbarus (and its derivatives) is used in Plautus* from 
the Greek point of view and signifies Roman or Italian. This is not 
strange in view of the fact that Roman comedy is an adaptation of 
Greek.5 The word appears occasionally in the fragments of Roman 
comedy in the sense of rude or unschooled.” 

The word hospes in Roman comedy overlaps to a considerable 


extent the Greek ξένος. It is used for guest-friend (or host),’” for 


stranger in no disparaging sense,!* once merely for a newly-arrived 


7 The word ἔκτοπος occurs in Aristoph. Birds 1474 in the sense of outlandish. 

8 Instances are found in Wasps 1197; Frogs 109, 147; Alexis 145. 

9 Ach. 867, 884, 892, 930; Thesm. 882, 892; Birds 97, 409, 666; Wasps 1221; 

. 580; etc. 

10 Ach. 326, 505; Knights 1408; Birds 1431, 1454, 1458. 

11 Plut. 173; Menander Periceiromene 171, 280. 

12 Knights 347. 

13 Birds 1652: Peace 297, 644; Frogs 458, 730; Lys. 1058; Knights 1198; Ach. 
503. In Wasps 718 tevia is the charge brought against one asa foreigner. See 
also among the fragments Menander 439; Eriphus 6; Eupolis 71. 


14 Tt does not occur in Terence. 


15 Cf. Lorenz Miles Gloriosus, Einleitung pp. 65,66. The word occurs in 
Plaut. in the following places: Asin. 11; Trin. 19; Capt. 492, 884; Most. 828; 
Bacch. 121, 123; Miles 211; Stichus 193; Curc. 150; Rud. 583; Cas. 748; 


Faeneratrix. 
16 Caecilius Statius Harpazomene 59, 60; Incert. 250. 


17 Plaut. Miles 635, 738; Most. 479; Poen. 120, 1050; Rud. 49; Bacch. 231, 275, 
686; Merc. 102; etc. Terence Ad. 529; Ph. 67; Hec. 432, 801. 


18 Plaut. Asin. 361, 431; Persa 527; Poen. 685; Epid. 662; Terence Andr. 810, 
817; Eun. 119; Hec. 195. 








i Se ligt ae OAM Nc ON wea CSI σαν 


a Ci αὐχῶν nicl el a REET We 


aR Ea i υἰ δὲ 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 11 


member of the family,!® and at least once for a foreigner as opposed 
to a citizen.” 

Peregrinus is more consistent in its meaning. It covers some of 
the ground of ξένος, being regularly used in the sense of foreigner.” 
The praetor peregrinus handled cases between citizens and foreigners. 
ξένος, hospes, peregrinus, do not necessarily imply distance or different 
nationality as do βάρβαρος and barbarus. Another Greek city, however 
near, fills the requirement. Thus βάρβαρος (and barbarus viewed from 
the Greek standpoint) stands for the non-Greek outlander, while 
ξένος, hospes, peregrinus, apply to outlander or to Greek alien. 

At this point it is in order to say a few words on the political 
background of comedy in the various periods. With the political 
changes in the history of Athens, due to a large extent to her relations 
with various foreign powers, there came changes in her attitude both 
toward the foreigner as such and toward the various foreign nation- 
alities. The period of the Persian wars was one of large awakening to 
the outside world. Besides giving Athens a fuller acquaintance with 
the people of Persia it brought her into closer touch with the peoples 
north of Greece—Macedonia and Thrace. Athens was in alliance 
with Thrace for many years preceding and during the Peloponnesian 
war. The long war between the Greek states decidedly influenced her 
feelings toward various cities of the Greek world.” Finally the 
Macedonian conquest introduced an altogether new political regime, 
which would be bound to have its effect. Comedy, as a realistic type, 
may reflect, in its different stages, the changing attitude toward both 
the non-Greek barbarian and the Greek alien. In the Old Comedy of 
Aristophanes and his contemporaries the broad episodic treatment of 
foreigners is made possible through the incoherent character of the 
literary type; while New Comedy, with its closely organized plot of 
intrigue, does not afford scope for such broad treatment except in 


19 Ter. Ph. 605. 
20 Ter. Ph. 328. 


21 Plaut. Men. 340, 634; Pseud. 964, 1261; Stichus 669; Merc. 635; Persa 
136, 157, 158; Bacch. 1009; Cist. 143; Poen. 656, 675; Trin. 767; Terence Eun. 759. 


22 The reproach of foreign birth is so common a thing in the orators that it 
becomes a rhetorical τόπος. Phormio is a barbarian and perpetrates barbarisms in 
speech. The father of Euxitheos is reviled because he talks like a foreigner. 
Demosthenes’ mother is a Scythian, while Demosthenes himself talks Greek like a 
barbarian. The exact references are given by Siiss Ethos p. 248. Cf. also p. 255. 





12 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


rare instances. In the latter the employment of foreigners is due 
largely to the needs of the plot. 

There is some evidence of a distinction between the foreigner and 
the native in the earliest Greek comedy. The following statement 
occurs in Athenaeus 659 a: ἐκάλουν of παλαιοὶ τὸν μὲν πολιτικὸν μάγειρον 
μαίσωνα, τὸν δ᾽ ἐκτόπιον τέττιγα. Though παλαιοί is not specific it 
refers, in all probability, to early Doric comedy, since these characters 
are not mentioned by name in Old Comedy at Athens. Furthermore, 
Athenaeus says in the same passage, on the strong authority of 
Aristophanes of Byzantium: Μαίσων γέγονεν κωμῳδίας ὑποκριτὴς Μεγαρεὺς 
τὸ γένος, ὃς καὶ τὸ προσωπεῖον εὗρε τὸ ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ καλούμενον Μαίσων. This 
would establish the fact that the mask μαίσων belonged to Megarian 
and hence to Dorian comedy. The passages in Eustathius 1751, 
53 ff., and in Hesychius 5.0. Μαίσων, Τέττιξ, are understood by 
Rankin, The Réle of the Μάγειροι, p. 14, clearly to have been based 
upon the statement of Athenaeus. In the case of Eustathius it is 
better assured, since he uses the same two pairs of words πολιτικὸν 
μάγειρον and ἐκτόπιον μάγειρον, and at the same time quotes Chrysip- 
pus. Hesychius’ explanation of Μαίσων might well be derived from 
Athenaeus; but if he derived his information on Τέττιξ from Athenaeus 
he either failed to read the latter correctly or the text is corrupt. For 
Hesychius represents the native μαίσωνες as the main cooks, while 
the foreign τέττιγες are the assistant cooks.” 

As evidence for Hellenistic comedy there is a passage in Pollux 
Onomasticon 148-50 which contrasts Μαίσων and Τέττιξ as the native 


8 As Rankin points out in The Réle of the Μάγειροι in Ancient Greece p. 16. 


*4 The difficulty is met by Schneidewin Coniectanea Critica p. 122 by emend- 
Ing μαγείρων to μαγειρείων. The meaning of the passage in Hesych. then would be: 
τέττιξ was the term applied to foreign kitchen servants, while the natives were 
called μαίσωνεςς. Cf. Hesych. s.v. Μούσωνες" of κορυφαῖοι τῶν μαγείρων καὶ οἱ τεχνῖται. 
Schneidewin Coniect. Crit. p. 122 emends Μούσωνες to Μαίσωνες. He does not, 
however, eliminate the difficulty in κορυφαῖοι. The passage in Festus s.v. Maeson, 
which represents Maeson as a mask worn by the sailor and other such réles, in 
addition to that of the cook, is probably corrupt, for neither Athen. nor 
Pollux Onom. 148-50 makes mention of other réles, and they are both using the 
work of Aristoph. of Byz.,as Festus apparently does. Ribbeck, however, Alazon 
p. 26, accepts the passage in Festus; and Robert Die Masken der neueren 
aitisch. Kom. p. 72 n. 3 quotes Festus without calling him into question. 


6 Ey 2 ME EE WG GT SS 9. ἀδ, 





ον ἜΘ ae 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 13 


and the foreign cook respectively. Pollux is writing of the masks of 
New Comedy.” 

It is impossible to determine whether the distinction between 
Maison and Tettix is original.” The evidence on the early distinction 
between native and foreign types, found in the reference to the 
tevixds ἰατρός in Athenaeus 621 d, points in that direction.?’ The 
Spartan δικηλιστής, according to this passage, mimicked the foreign 


physician. 

The significance of the name Μαίσων has already been given above 
(n. 26). How τέττιξ came to be applied to the foreign cook is a matter 
which still requires solution. Dieterich* follows Hesychius, who makes 
the native Maison the chief cook, attended by foreign tettiges, the 
assistant cooks, who, true to their name, jump here and there on the 
stage to please the audience. But assistant cooks are nowhere else 
mentioned by those who refer to Maison and Tettix. Neither the 
passage in Athenaeus nor that in Pollux hints at such a distinction. 
Rankin?’ regards it as probable that the word was applied to a foreign 
cook by the Megarians in ridicule of the early Athenian custom of 
wearing representations of grasshoppers in some form of ornaments.*° 
This explanation, while possible, does not appear to me to be highly 
probable. Another possibility, perhaps equally improbable, might 
be suggested: the word became proverbial for garrulity. The term 


25 Robert Die Masken der neueren attisch. Kom. p. 60 and notes 1 and 2 shows 
that Aristophanes of Byzantium in his work περὶ προσώπων was almost certainly 
the source of Pollux’s work, a fact which gives assurance that Pollux is writing of 
New Comedy. . 

26 Dieterich Pulcinella pp. 38, 39 apparently accepts the explanation of 
Chrysippus quoted by Athen., that the word originally signified a glutton (from 
μασᾶσθαι), and only later developed the significance of cook. Regarding the 
early distinction he says: Ihm (Maison) nahe stehend muss der Tettix (τέττιξ) 
gedacht werden, wenn auch die Unterscheidung als des fremden gegeniiber dem 
Maison als dem heimischen Diener nicht gerade etwas Urspriingliches sein wird. 

27 Nauck Aristoph. Byz. Fragmenta p. 276 makes the very plausible conjecture 
(which to him approaches certainty) that Aristoph. discussed τέττιξ in close 
connection with Μαίσων. Unfortunately our authorities have not transmitted 
the explanation, if indeed he gave one. 

28 Pulcinella p. 39. 

29 The Réle of the Mayepo pp. 15-17. 

80 Cf. Thuc. I 6. Aristoph. Knights 1331 calls the Demos τεττιγοφόρας. 


Cf. Suidas s.v. τεττίγων ἀνάμεστα. 





14 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


may have been applied contemptuously to the foreign cook because 
he was thought of as especially garrulous.* 

One more observation may be made before leaving this problem. 
The antithesis between the terms πολιτικός and ἐκτόπιος, which is 
found in the passage of Athenaeus, and in Eustathius presumably 
derived from Athenaeus, justifies the inference that the foreign cook 
was as much a Greek alien as a non-Greek barbarian. For the word 
πολιτικός would be applicable only to a resident of an individual 
Greek city and ἐκτόπιος would apply to anybody outside of that.” 

It has been seen above that Pollux affords evidence of the differ- 
entiation between a foreign and a native type in the period of New 
Comedy. It may be well to discuss in this connection the theory 
that has come down to us under the name of Tzetzes and in the 
scholia on Dionysius Thrax, to the effect that Old Comedy was 
interested in attacks on citizens in high places, but that New Comedy 
was forced to refrain from such attacks and to confine itself to slaves, 
beggars, foreigners, and barbarians. To determine the authenticity 
of this material on literary theory has been the object of a thorough- 
going study on the part of Kaibel, entitled Die Prolegomena περὶ 
kwuwdtas.34 His critics all attest his success in having cleared up, so 
far as it was soluble, the question of the sources of these literary 
notices.*® Kaibel estimates them at a very low value.* It is entirely 


31 Robert, however, op. cit. pp. 72, 73 regards this as undoubtedly the correct 
interpretation. His arguments are not convincing. It may be the cook as such 
that is garrulous and a braggart, rather than the foreign as contrasted with the 
native cook. 

82 Unfortunately Zielinski’s Quaestiones Comicae, in which there is a discus- 
sion of Maeson, has not been available. 

83 This ancient literary criticism referring to comedy has been edited, along 
with other material of the same nature, by Kaibel Comicorum Graecorum Frag- 
menta vol. I partI. For the theory that foreigners were attacked in New Comedy 
see pp. 13, lines 30-32; 15, lines 68, 69, where the statements from the scholia on 
Dionysius Thrax are found; and pp. 21, lines 47, 48; 27, lines 90, 91; 28, lines 
120-22; 37, line 86, which give the statements of Tzetzes. 

84 Abhandlungen der kiniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen (1898). 

865 Thiele in ‘Litterarisches Centralblatt for the year 1898 p. 1898 says: Kaibel’s 
Abhandlung ist von fundamentaler Bedeutung fiir die Geschichte der antiken 
Poetik; sie befreit uns von Tzetzes und den Anonymi und ebnet den Weg der 
Forschung bis an die Rander des grossen Spaltes, der zwischen Aristoteles und 
den Zeitgenossen des Dionysios von Halikarnass (des alteren) auf diesem Gebiete 
klasst. 

86 Prolegomena p.3: Manner wie Platonios, Andronikos oder Tzetzes, sind 
fiir uns entweder keine Perséntichkeiten oder doch keine Autoritaéten; pp. 4, 5: 





μαι 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 15 


true that Old Comedy attacked citizens of wealth and prominence. 
And there is evidence to show that the men traduced objected to the 
attacks.37 As a result, on occasions during the fifth century and 
especially toward the end of Old Comedy, attacks upon citizens are 
checked. The statement in various Greek documents (cf. n. 33) 
that in New Comedy slaves and foreigners were substituted, as objects 
of attack, for the prominent citizens in Old Comedy,** arises, accord- 
ing to Kaibel, simply from the desire on the part of some early 
theorist to express a sharp rhetorical antithesis. But it should be 
observed that, though Kaibel’s explanation is plausible, it is at least 
not likely that this theory would have found expression and gained 
currency unless foreigners had been at times exposed to ridicule in 
New Comedy. The theory errs only in the breadth of its generaliza- 
tion. The Latin documents that repeat the same general theory of 
comedy correctly describe New Comedy as a comedy of manners, 
without alluding to slaves and foreigners as predominantly or exclu- 
sively objects of ridicule. For our purposes the Greek documents 
are of value only as they state a theory, erroneous in its details, 
which rests on a basis of fact, viz., that sometimes at least foreigners 
were exposed to ridicule. This safe inference is confirmed by the 
fragments of Greek comedy and the Roman copies. 

With reference to the fabula Atellana in Roman comedy Momm- 
sen—perhaps influenced by the vague literary tradition that later 
comedy attacked foreigners—advanced the bold theory®® that it 
belonged not to Campanian but to Latin art; that it was not even 





In den Scholien hatte Tzetzes denselben Unsinn gelesen, wie wir ihm heute noch 
in den Scholien des Diomedes lesen kénnen, mit denen Tzetzes mehrfach bis 
aufs Wort iibereinstimmt; p. 8: die Namen der Dionyscommentatoren . . . 
sind fiir uns nur leerer Schall, Compilatoren ohne Persénlichkeit, von Werth 
nur fiir den zukiinftigen Herausgeber, dem sie die Ordnung der Scholienmassen 


erleichtern werden. 
37 See Aristoph. Ach. 377-82, where Aristoph. tells what he had suffered from 


Cleon because of the attack he had made in his last year’s comedy, and that he 
had barely escaped being implicated in law suits; Ach. 502 ff. Aristoph. learned 
to be careful, especially in the presence of foreigners. Pseudo-Xen. ᾿Αθ. πολ 
II 18 says that it was not permitted to speak ill of the δῆμος, but that it was allow- 
able to traduce an individual citizen. See note on this in Kalinka’s edition, and 
cf. Starkie ed. of Acharnians pp. 243 ff. 


38 See Platonius in Kaibel Com. Graec. Frag. I p. 3 ll. 7-9 and p. 5, ll. 49, 50. 
89 History of Rome IV pp. 231-33. 





16 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


given originally in the Oscan language; that Atella, a town which had 
been destroyed during the second Punic war—hence fear of offence 
was removed—was selected as a local habitation for the fool-world. 
He asserted that the charm of the plays lay in the drastic portraiture 
of certain classes—foreign nationalities, e.g., Transalpine Gauls, 
Syrians, being subjects for comic delineation. The view of F. Marx,” 
however, is more convincing, to the effect that the fabula Atellana 
was of Oscan origin,*t and was introduced into Rome by the Cam- 
panian Oscans; at first it was given in Oscan by Campanian citizens, 
later in Latin by Roman citizens. Under Novius and Pomponius 
about 80 B.c. it became a literary type, and first introduced the 
dialect of the Latin country into literature.“* Marx says that it has 
not been determined whether the Oscans originated the Afellana 
independently or got it from Greek settlers of Campania. 

Less directly related to our theme and yet of interest for purposes 
of comparison is the practice of Greek tragedy in its treatment of 
the foreigner. The tragedians introduce or allude to the foreigner 


with comparative infrequency, owing to the fact that tragedy derives 
its material from myth. And such references as occur do not perhaps 
offer so safe a basis for deduction as those in comedy, which is more 
realistic. Aeschylus and Sophocles might almost be ignored. Euri- 


pides, however, as being much more in touch with life, is more signifi- 
cant, and often reflects the Greek (or more strictly, Athenian) attitude 
toward foreigners. The following discussion, while by no means 
exhaustive, may be said to represent fairly in a general way the case 
of the foreigner in tragedy. Greek aliens are seldom mentioned. 


40 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyc. s.v. Atellana. 


“1 The plays are called Osci ludi in Cic. ad Fam. 7, 1; and Tacitus Ann. IV 
14 uses the term Oscum ludicrum to apply to them. Théir chief characters are 
called Oscae personae in Diomed., p. 490, 1. 20 in Keil’s Grammatici Latini vol. I. 


“ Most critics have adopted the view of Marx. Nettieship Lectures and Essays 
pp. 64-65 is inclined to that view. Schanz Gesch. der rim. Lit. 3rd edition, 
erster Teil zweiter Halfte pp. 2-4; Teuffel and Schabe History of Rom. Lit. Eng- 
lish translation of the fifth German edition by Warr, I pp. 11, 12; Ribbeck Gesch. 
der rim. Dichtung I 208 ff.; Pichon Histoire de la Lit. lat. 86; all consider that it was 
of Oscan origin. Wilamowitz Hermes IX 331 gives both views without com- 
mitting himself. He adds however: “die megarische Kémodie ist die athenische 
Atellana.” The analogy would imply that he favored the view of Oscan origin. 
Michaut Sur les Tréteaux latins pp. 232 ff. goes to considerable length to refute 
Mommsen’s theory. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


The Spartans suffer a severe arraignment from Andromache in the 
Andromache 446 ff. They are authors of treacherous counsel, kings 
among liars, murderers, thirsty for gain, etc. The character of 
Menelaus in the Orestes is fairly true to the above description. Sup- 
pliants 187, 88 calls Sparta ὠμὴ καὶ πεποίκιλται τρόπους. These pas- 
sages Clearly indicate the Athenian attitude of the period of the 
Peloponnesian war, and would serve to delight greatly an Athenian 
audience. In Heraclidae 353 ff. the chorus talks of the boasting, 
cruelty, and treachery of Argos.® The actions of Copreus, who says 
in 134 that he is an Argive, are said in 131 to be those of a βάρβαρος. 
Orestes in the Choephoroe 558 ff. plans to pass himself off in the dress 
and with the accent of a Phocian. This plan he proceeds to carry 
out, 649 ff. 

Asiatics are more numerous than Greek aliens in tragedy. To bea 
slave toa Lydian, and that, too,a woman, would be sinking as low as 
one could sink, Sophocles Trachiniae 70,71. No doubt the effeminacy 
of Lydia is in the poet’s mind when he introduces the god Dionysus 
as a sorcerer from Lydia, Bacchae 234; and as a foreigner in female 
form who brings new diseases and corrupts the women, 353 ff. See 
also 482 ff. The proverb πότερα Λυδὸν ἢ Φρύγα in Alcestis 675 is a 
contemptuous thrust at both nationalities, as furnishing the chief 
varieties of slaves in Athens. The dirgelike character of the Mysian 
music is alluded to in the Persians 1054, and the effeminate Ionian 
melodies in Aeschylus Suppliants 69. The best case of the foreigner 
in tragedy is that of the Phrygian slave in the Orestes.“4 His rdéle is 
conspicuous from 1369 to 1526. In 1483 ff. he admits the great 
inferiority of the Phrygians to the Hellenes in warlike courage. His 
chief characteristic is cringing cowardice. This trait, which is so 
vividly portrayed in lines 1506-26, is often associated with the Phry- 
gians, Orestes 1111; Alcestis 675; Rhesus 814,15. In Andromache 
192 ff. Andromache admits in effect the inferiority of Phrygia to 
Sparta. The Phrygian love of luxury is intimated in Orestes 1113. 

Egyptian men are satirized for effeminacy; they stay at home and 
do the house-work while the women earn a livelihood, Oedipus Coloneus 
337 ff. In the Suppliants of Aeschylus 234-40 the Danaides are a 


4 Mahaffy Greek. Class. Lit. “Dramatic Poets” p. 115 says that this play was 
intended as a political document against the Argive party in Athens during the 


Peloponnesian war. 
See Decharme Euripide et l’ Esprit de son Théatre pp. 367 ff. 





18 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


strange company, un-Greek in garb, uncouth. In 279 ff. they are like 
Africans from the Nile. The Nile fosters a race different from that of 
Inachus, 497,98. The herald is reviled as a man reared on the Nile, 
875-71. 

The nationality of the large majority of foreigners in tragedy is 
not specified. Βάρβαρος is the term applied to them in most instances. 
A highly unfavorable signification is usually attached to the word. 
The contrast between Greek and non-Greek is clearly drawn, and the 
feeling of scorn for the latter runs throughout tragedy. It is especially 
prominent in Euripides and shows well in his treatment of Medea. 
Her own intense hatred and the intense hatred toward her, as well 
as the extreme injustice done her, would not have been appropriate 
if she were a Greek. 

It must be kept in mind in the discussion which follows that the 
foreigner is not a clearly defined type such as the professional char- 
acters, miles, leno, meretrix, parasitus, etc. Each of the latter is 
possessed of one or more fundamental moral traits, which recur with 
uniform regularity. The foreigner is likewise distinct from the 
domestic characters, e.g. senex, adulescens, matrona, ancilla. While 
their qualities are not sorigidly stereotyped, and more elasticity is 
observable in their treatment than in the case of the professional class, 
yet the dramatist is limited to a narrow range, once he has selected an 
individual of one of these types. The servus displays a wider variety 
and is more nearly analogous to the foreigner perhaps than any other 
character in comedy. He is now a town slave, now a country slave or 
a foreigner, now a clever slave, now a stupid one, now a loyal follower 
of his master, now a plotting rascal. The playwright permits himself 
still greater flexibility in his treatment of the foreigner. There are 
numerous instances where the miles, the parasitus, the meretrix, the 
leno, the servus, the senex, and the adulsecens, are at the same time 


foreigners. The foreigners assume even minor rdéles, such as the 


sycophanta, the nutrix, the vilicus. 


* The following is a partial list of passages: Androm. 173 ff., 243, 261, 665, 
66; Orestes 485; Iphig. in Taur. 31, 1174; Phoenissae 138; Medea 536-38; Helena 
276; Iphig. in Aul. 1401, 74; Troades, 991,92. The last two passages refer to the 
showy character of barbarian dress. The Helena alone uses the word βάρβαρος 
at least 19 times. Eichhorn βάρβαρος quid significaverit pp. 30-38 quotes the uses 
of βάρβαρος in Euripides and shows its various meanings. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 19 


It is the purpose of the following chapters to examine the frag- 
ments of Hellenistic comedy and the Roman adaptations, in order to 
determine the extent and character of allusions to foreigners, and the 
use made of them by the comic poets of the Hellenistic period. The 
place of the foreigner in Aristophanes and the fragments of Old 
Comedy will first be considered, but only to afford a basis for compari- 
son with the later period. We shall try to observe on the one hand 
how far the foreigner as such is given conventional features, whether 
of costume, dialect, physical, mental, or moral characteristics, 
whether the attitude of the comic poets is indifferent, playful, or 
satirical, and on the other hand what part the foreigner fills in the 
economy of the dramatic plot. The two points should stand out 
distinctly: (1) the content of the treatment of foreigners, which is 
discussed in chapters II to V; (2) the form of the treatment, to which 
chapter VI is devoted.* 


46 A short dissertation by Carl Boettcher entitled ‘‘Die Darstellung fremder 
Nationalitaten im Drama der Griechen”’ in Programm des kéniglichen Realgym- 
nasiums 2u Kénigsberg in Pr. (1892) has little but the title in common with this 
dissertation. 





CHAPTER II 


THE FOREIGNER IN ARISTOPHANES AND THE FRAGMENTS 
ΟΕ OLD COMEDY 


It has been intimated in Chapter I that political and military 
causes widely extended Athenian foreign relations during the fifth 
century B.c. The development of Athens into a leading commercial 
power of the Eastern Mediterranean during the same period further 
brought her into touch with various foreign countries and many Greek 
states. The three great corn-producing regions of the time were 
Pontus, Sicily, and Egypt; and Athenian vessels established trade 
routes in the Northeast, to the West, and to the Southeast. The 
intense commercial rivalry with Corinth, Megara, and other cities of 
the Greek world, which was a primary cause of the Peloponnesian war, 
contributed largely to the familiarity of Athens with Greek aliens. The 
plays of Aristophanes freely reflect these historical relations; and it is 
to be noted that those countries and states with which Athens had 
most to do, and which were most profoundly impressed upon her 
consciousness, are, 85 a rule, most commonly introduced, whether by 
way of incidental allusion or through the medium of an active τό]. 
Boeotia, Megara, and Sparta, which were historically in very close 
connection with Athens, are represented on the stage by Aristophanes; 
so also Persia, which to the Greeks stood for the Orient; and the 
Scythian, who from his police service was a familiar character in 
Athens. We must discriminate, of course, between the large bulk of 
purely historical material, which merely reflects contemporary 
events and conditions, and the material which—sometimes in connec- 
tion with the preceding, sometimes apart from it—depicts specific 
local characteristics. In the nature of Old Comedy we do not expect 
a strictly realistic portrayal of the foreigner. Grotesque exaggeration 
of qualities known or imagined to exist in the particular country is a 
common thing. 


ἐρῶν 1.1... SP ee i Rn. 


alpen Lon. 


ξεν, Ὄλανο 


σι the, 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


GREEK STATES 


Sparta figures most largely among Greek states. Lysistrata 
628,29 charges her with bad faith: Λακωνικοῖς, / οἷσι πιστὸν οὐδὲν, εἰ μή περ 
λύκῳ κεχηνότι. In Acharnians 308 the Laconians are people οἷσι οὔτε 


1 In Peace 623 they are αἰσχροκερδεῖς.3 


βωμὸς οὔτε πίστις οὔθ᾽ ὅρκος μένει. 
They are inhospitable in Birds 1012-14.5 Their frugality is the object 
of attack. They are satirized for wearing long beards and long hair,® 
for the rare use of the bath and the wearing of dirty clothes, i.e., 
playing the part of Socrates,® and for the walking stick.?’ The term 
Anglomaniac has a close ancient analogy in the Aristophanic 
ἐλακωνομάνουν Birds 1281. The comic poets heap frequent ridicule 
upon those who affect Spartan ways of living. There are numerous 
allusions which reflect contemporary historical relations between 


Athens and Sparta. 


1 Peace 623 διειρωνόξενοι is a further hit at Spartan treachery. Cf. also zbid. 


1065-68. 
2 So also in Eurip. Andromache 451. 


ὁ The ξενηλασία of Sparta may be considered from the Spartan point of view 
also as showing the attitude toward aliens of a Greek state other than Athens. 
Cf. Thuc. I 144; IT 39. 


* Birds 1282 ἐπείνων; Aristoph. fragm. 705; Eupolis fragm. 351 μισῶ 
Aaxwvifev—though the sense of Λακωνίζειν is not certain. Kock thinks that per- 
haps it refers ad epularum simplicitatem, while Meineke inclines to the view 
that it refers to παιδεραστία, quoting Photius and Suidas, whose explanation 
of Λακωνίζειν is παιδικοῖς χρῆσθαι. The word occurs in Aristoph. Thesm. B. 
338. The former interpretation appears preferable. 

Lys. 78-83 may be a mild thrust at Spartan devotion to rigorous gymnastic 
training even for women. 


5 Lys. 1072, 73; Wasps 476. Cf. anonym. fragm. 796. 


® Birds 1282; Lys. 279, 80; Plutus 85, which mentions a certain Patrocles 
who had not washed since he was born. The scholiast says of him that he was a 
rich Athenian who lived in the Spartan manner for economy. 


1 Birds 1283; Eccl. 74. 


δ Wasps 475, on which see V. Leeuwen’s comment; Eupolis 208; Plato 124; 
Aristoph. 431, 95. Other thrusts at the Spartans are found in Lys. 276, 620-22; 
Theopompus 65; Aristoph. 108; Hermippus 32; Wasps 1157-65, Birds 813-16 
contain word plays. 


9 Peace 242-46, 478; Lys. 995, 96, 998-1001, 1138-41, 1150-56; Eccl. 356; 
Ach. 647, 652; Knights 55, 464-66, 468, 69, 743, 1008, 1052, 53; Clouds 186, 87. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


The Boetians are called συοβοιωτοί, and a κρουπεζοφόρον γένος ἀνδρῶν 
in Cratinus 310, in ridicule of their boorish propensities. The gour- 
mandizing characteristic is brought out by the epithet κολλικοφάγος 
applied to the Boeotian in Acharnians 872. The diminutive in 
connection with it indicates a patronizing superiority. In Pherecrates 
160 the advice is given to avoid Boeotia." 

The Corinthians are repeatedly assailed with the charge of wan- 
tonness in Old Comedy, either explicit or implied.” 

The Argives are accused of being thieves in Aristophanes fragment 
57.83 Their neutrality is the object of attack in Peace 475-77, 493." 

The Megarians are satirized for their vulgar and pointless wit, 
Eupolis 244: σκῶμμ᾽ ἀσελγὲς καὶ Μεγαρικὸν καὶ σφόδρα / ψυχρόν ; Wasps 


57: γέλωτα Μεγαρόθεν κεκλεμμένον.} The bitter feeling existing between 


Athens and Megara, chiefly over the Megarian decrees, is repeatedly 
reflected in Aristophanes." 

The Thessalian women were magicians, Clouds 749 γυναῖκα 
φαρμακίδα. Thessaly is characterized as a land of kidnappers in 
Plutus 521.18 Its love of high living is the object of the thrust in 
Crates 19 and Aristophanes 492." 


10 Cf. schol. on Pindar Olymp. VI 152: Βοιωτίαν ὗν : ὅτι διὰ τὴν ἀγροικίαν καὶ 
τὴν ἀναγωγίαν τὸ παλαιὸν οἱ Βοιωτοὶ tes ἐκαλοῦντο. There is a play entitled Ὗς by 
Cephisodorus which may have had reference to the Boeotians. 

11 For other satirical allusions see Lys. 88, 89; Cratinus 12; Strattis 47. 
Historical allusions occur Birds 188, 89; Frogs 1023, 24; Ach. 1023; Peace 465, 66. 

12 Plut. 149-52; Lys. 90-92; Thesm. 647, 48; Aristoph. 902, 348; Cratinus 273; 
Eupolis 83, on which see Lobeck A glaoph. pp. 1007 ff. On Thesm. 404 Κορινθίῳ 
ξένῳ see the long note of Fritzschius. Other allusions to Corinth, chiefly historical, 
occur in Eccl. 199-201; Birds 968, 69; Clouds 710; Plut. 303, 304. 

13 Qn which Suidas says: ἐπὶ τῶν προδήλως πονηρῶν" oi yap ᾿Αργεῖοι ἐπὶ κλοπῇ 
κωμῳδοῦνται. 

34 On Argos see also Aristoph. 298; Plut. 601; Eccl. 201. 

15 Cf. Meyapixa τις μαχανά in the Megarian scene Ach. 738. See Starkie’s 
note on Wasps 57. On Meg. comedy see Meineke Hist. Crit. pp. 18 ff. Other 
allusions satirizing the Megarians are found in Philonides 5; Callias 23; Strattis 
26; Theopompus 2. 

16 Ach. 523-39; Peace 246-49; 481-83; 500-502. 

17 They are frequently so referred to in literature. Starkie on Clouds 749 
enumerates the passages. 

18 Tf the reading ἀπίστων in that line is correct, as the scholiast understands it: 
διαβάλλοντο οἱ Θετταλοὲ ws ἀνδραποδισταὶ καὶ ἄπιστοι, the Thessalians are also faith- 
less. 

19 See Athenaeus 418 c,d. There is a comic thrust at the Macedonian love of 
high-living in Frogs 85. Other references to Thessaly occur in Eupolis 201; 
Hermippus 41. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 23 


Byzantium is ridiculed for its use of iron money in Clouds 249; 


Plato 96. 

Syracuse is notorious for its splendid table, Συρακοσίαν τράπεζαν 
Aristophanes frag. 216.2° In the same fragment Sybaris is given ἃ 
similar reputation Συβαρίτιδας εὐωχίας. The interpretation of 
ovBapitew in Peace 344 is provided by the scholiast: ἀντὶ τοῦ 
τρυφᾶν, ἀπὸ τῆς Συβαριτικῆς τρυφῆς."" 

The Jonians are branded as luxurious and effeminate, Callias 5: 
τρυφερὰ καὶ καλλιτράπεζος ᾿Ιωνία; Ecclesiazusae 918, 19: τὸν am’ ᾿Ιωνίας 
/ τρόπον τάλαινα κνησιᾷς Σ and as fond of sensual melodies.* 

The Lesbians, particularly the women, were charged with wanton- 


ness and unnatural vice.™ 
The Carystians are ironically described in Lysistrata 1057-59 as 


ἄνδρας καλούς Te κἀγαθούς.35 


20 See Athen. 527 c. For other references to Sicily see Peace 250; Archippus 


21 Cf. Phrynichus 64. The Θουριοπέρσαι of Metagenes is thought by Meineke 
Hist. Crit. p.220to have branded the people of Thurii—a town situated near the 
former site of Sybaris—as given to effeminacy and luxury, after the fashion of the 
Persians. See further on Sybaris Wasps 1259, 1427-40. 

2 Cf. Lys. 108; Aristoph. 543, with the comment of Athen. 525 a; anonym. 
76; Hermippus 58; Eupolis 233; Peace 1176 βάμμα Κυζικηνικόν, on which the schol. 
says: els κιναιδίαν διαβάλλεται ὥστε μηδὲ τῶν ἀναγκαίων διὰ τὴν εὐρύτητα κρατεῖν 
δύνασθαι. The reference is to Cyzicus. Hesych. s.v. βάμμα Κυζικηνικόν says that 
the Cyzicenes as Ionians were satirized for effeminacy. Under the heading 
Ionians have been included the towns of Abydus, Miletus, Clazomenae, 
Cyzicus. Cf. further on Abydus Aristoph. 733. 

23 Eccl. 883, 918, 19; Thesm. 163. Historical allusions to Miletus occur in 
Knights 361, 932. 

4 Frogs 1308, on which see scholiast; Pherecrates 149; Strattis 40, 41; Theo- 
pompus 35; Wasps 346, on which see scholiast; Eccl. 920. 


2% The schol. on Lys. 1058 says: διαβάλλονται δὲ ὡς μοιχοὶ οἱ Καρύστιοι; and on 
1181 in connection with another reference to the Carystians says: τοὺς Kapvorious 
ὡς μοιχοὺς kwumdodow. But that inference is not justified by the allusions in 
Aristoph. 

Other allusions to Gk. states, which are of minor importance or of uncertain 
significance, occur as follows: Salamis, Lys. 58-60, 411; Eccl. 38, 39; Crete, 
Plato 31; Frogs 849; Eccl. 1165, 66; Melos, Birds 186, 1073; Chios and Siphnos, 
Aristoph. 912; Samos, Aristoph. 64; Seriphos, Cratinus 211; Ceos, Crates 29; 
Chalcidice, Plato 160; Heraclea, Hermippus 70; Delphi, Aristoph. 684, on which 
see Athen. 173 d, e. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


ORIENTALS 


The Persian gaudy costume is an object of ridicule in Acharnians 
62-64: ἄχθομαι. . . τοῖς ταῶσι. . . βαβαιάξ, ὠκβάτανα, τοῦ σχήμα- 
τος. The Persian bird alone is allowed to wear the turban kupBacia, 
Acharnians 487.27 The extravagant wealth and luxurious propensi- 
ties of the Persians are brought to mind by the reference to Sardana- 
palus,”* and by the repeated allusion to Ecbatana,?® the Eldorado of 
Aristophanes’ time.*° 

The Egyptians are made fun of as carriers of burdens in Birds 
1133,34 and Frogs 1406;* and for their use of purgatives in Peace 
1253,54 and Thesmophoriazusae 857.2 The word ἠγυπτιάζετε in the 
Thesmophoriazusae is explained by the scholiast as meaning 
ἐπανουργεῖτε, the Egyptians being πανοῦργοι. 33 


OTHER BARBARIANS 


The Odomanti,4 a tribe of Thracians, are severely ridiculed in 
Acharnians 141-73: for drinking, 141; for their absurd appearance, 
158, 161; for being corruptible, 159; for thieving, 164; for swaggering, 
166. Lysistrata 563,64 strengthens the last charge. Cleophon is a 
butt for Aristophanes because of his Thracian parentage.* 


6 See scholia on Ach. 63, 64. 
27 Cf. Aristoph. 546. 
8 Birds 1021. The schol. says of him that he was very effeminate and that 


the following words were inscribed on his tomb: ἔσθιε, πῖνε, ὄχευε, ὡς τἄλλα οὐδενός 
ἐστιν ἄξια. 


9 Knights 1089; Ach. 64, 613; Wasps 1142, 43. Cf. Thuc. I 130. 


*° Other allusions are found in Frogs 937, 38; Birds 277, 78; Thesm. 1175. 
Peace 107, 108 and Frogs 1028 are historical allusions. 


31 See schol. on Birds 1133 Αἰγύπτιος. 
= Cy. Hdt. 11-77. 


8. Cf. Cratinus 378 αἰγυπτιάζειν ; Plato 55 αἰγυπτιώσει. In the latter instance 
the word must mean ‘te make swarthy.’ Asluron Egypt is contained in Aristoph. 
569 1. 15. Other allusions are found in Clouds 1130; Pherecrates 11; Birds 504-- 
506. There is an allusion to the Arabian flute player who never stops in Can- 
tharus 1. 


* They had a bad reputation because of a massacre which they had per- 
petrated forty years earlier, Thuc. VII 29. 


δ Frogs 679-81, 1533, on which passages see the comments of the scholiast. 
A play of Plato named after Cleophon no doubt satirized him. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 25 


The Scythians should be thought of somewhat apart for the reason 
that men of their country were regularly employed as policemen at 
Athens. Yet their foreign origin must be somewhat in mind when 
they are ridiculed for staring idly;** and for their love of drinking.*” 
The Scythians are a nomadic people in Birds 941.38 

The extreme savagery of the Triballians is signified in Birds 
1528,29; 1572,73. Their awkwardness in wearing their clothes is 
ridiculed in Birds 1567-69. 

The Phrygians were held in low esteem in comedy because of 
their cowardice and effeminacy.*® 

The Lydians were regarded in much the same light.*® λυδιστί in 
Cratinus 256 seems to refer both to the effeminate practice of plucking 
hairs from the body and to the corrupt music among the Lydians.*! 

The Carians are given a contemptuous fling in Birds 764: εἰ δὲ 
δοῦλός ἐστι καὶ Κὰρ ὥσπερ ᾿Εξηκεστίδης. Execestides is elsewhere 
satirized as a foreigner. Allusion is made to Carian music in 
Frogs 1302; Plato 69 line 12, which had a funereal character.* 


36 Tys. 184, 426. 


37 Lys. 427. Schol. ad loc. says: ὡς μεθύσῳ λέγει. 


38 Cf. Hdt. ΙΝ 46; Aesch. Prom. Bound 709, 10. On the foreign names of the 
policeman in Frogs 608 the schol. says ὀνόματα τοξοτῶν βαρβάρων. They were 
probably Scythian names. Another Scythian allusion occurs in Ach. 704. 


89 Birds 1244, 45, 762, 63; Wasps 1309. There is frequent reference to the 
Phrygian Sabazius, a deity that corresponds to the Greek Dionysus. Birds 
876; Lys. 388; Aristoph. 566. 


40 Birds 1244, 45. 


| Λυδίζων Knights 533 is a reference to a play of Magnes entitled Λυδοί. 
See Phot. s.v. Λυδιάζων. Other allusions occur in Aristoph. 492; Aristocrates 1; 
Plato 170. 


* Birds 11, on which see scholiast; Birds 1527, where a barbarian deity is 
assigned as the ancestral god of Execestides. Acestor is satirized as a Mysian, 
Theopompus 60. See schol. on Wasps 1221 where Acestor is said to be ridiculed 
as a foreigner. Cf. also Metagenes 13. Ach. 439 mentions the πιλίδιον Μύσιον, 
an Oriental cap appropriate to the Mysian Telephus. 


48 Pollux 4, 75: θρηνῶδες yap τὸ αὔλημα τὸ Καρικόν. So also Phot. s.v. Καρικῇ 
μούσῃ. For another allusion see Crates 16. 





26 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


The Cilicians are satirized for knavishness and cruelty in Phere- 
crates 166: dei ποθ᾽ ἡμῖν ἔγκιλικίζουσ᾽ οἱ θεοί, if we accept ancient inter- 
pretation.* 

The poets of Old Comedy frequently speak of foreigners without 
regard to their nationality. The prejudice against them in the courts 
of Athens is often expressed or implied. A feeling of contempt and 
haughty superiority in varying degrees, toward the unnamed for- 
eigner, whether distant barbarian or nearby islander, is seen repeated- 
ly.“ Analogous to the philo-Laconian tendencies at Athens was the 
reception of barbarian deities and the espousal of their worship, to 
which the comic poets make reference.*” 

The attitude of the comedians toward foreign residents in Athens, 
or those of foreign birth, who had by some means or other been 
enrolled on the register of citizens, is bitter, and the allusions to such 
persons are numerous.*® They confirm the notion that the Athenians 


44 Quoted by Kock on Pherecrates 166. See further on Cilicia, Aristoph. 105; 
Plato 86. 

In Plato 3 the Cyprians are called δασύπρωκτοι. Cratinus 208 is a hit at 
several tribes, the Sacae (though there is a textual difficulty with reference to that 
name), the Sidonians, the Erembi, δούλων, ἀνδρῶν νεοπλουτοπονήρων, αἰσχρῶν, 


᾿Ανδροκλέων, Διονυσοκουρώνων. 
4 Knights 347; Birds 1431, 1454--58. 


4 Wasps 439; Hyperbolus 166, 67; Cratinus 286; Ach. 508; Birds 1694- 
1705; Metagenes 7. Foreign merchants, as it appears, succumb to the snares of 
courtesans, Metagenes 4, Aristagoras 2. 


47 Aristoph. 878 τὸν Ὕην (on which Phot. s.v. “Ins says: ᾿Αριστοφάνης δὲ 
συγκαταλέγει ξενικοῖς θεοῖς τὸν Ὕην. So also Etym. Mag. s.v. Ὕης. Meineke Hist. 
Crit. p. 267 understands Apollophanes instead of Aristophanes. See also Lobeck 
Aglaophamus 228); Apollophanes 1 (Demianczuk Supplementum Comicum); 
Aristoph. 365. Hesych. s.v. θεοὶ ξενικοί says: παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίοις τιμῶνται ods καταλέγει 
᾿Απολλοφάνης ἐν Κρησίν. See Cic. de Leg. 11 37. Cf. Aristoph. 566, where Sabazius 
isa Phrygian. Foreign gods are particularized in other passages. 


48 Wasps 1221 (see schol.); Birds 31, 32 (see schol.); Lys. 103 (see schol.); 
Theopompus 60; Birds 11, 764, 1527 (see schol. on each line); Aristoph. 671; 
Phrynichus 20; Frogs. 416, 17, 588; Eupolis 71 (see schol. on Frogs 418); Eupolis 
80 (see schol. on Wasps 687); Eupolis 357 (see Meineke Hist. Crit. pp. 111, 12); 
Cratinus 324 (see Bergk Relig. Com. Ait. p. 116); Aristoph. 26 (see Suidas s.v. Φρυνών- 
das); Eupolis 39, 53; Metagenes 10; Polyzelus 5; Frogs 790 (Plutarch Nicias 2 
says that Theramenes was ridiculed as an alien from Ceos); Ach. 712 (see Bergk 
Relig. Com. Att. pp. 97,98); Wasps 718; Birds 1652. The figure of the base or coun- 
terfeit coin is employed to slander pretended citizens Frogs 717-37; Ach. 515-22. 


eared 


ΡΠ ras re NN ly NGA Sala td Pd Us wa ai dca RPS dada ἠιόνα Se la GAMMA cc iis Wel da. NS Alc. 0 len See geese 0d ela a τος 


τι 


ila ee lb i it a an ὙΦ Soa Uae ‘ Dei alii ack Wares 
PY pee aver GON Wrote union δε ρου) Sale og Ream ts foarte ἐδ ἀξ οι Oh te inc eee eee 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


were extremely jealous of their privileges as citizens.*® The deme of 
the Potamii is ridiculed for the ease with which illegally registered 
citizens were accepted by it.*° 

In a brief summary of the mental and moral characteristics for 
which foreigners are ridiculed in Aristophanes we note the bad-faith, 
frugality, and lack of attention to the bath of the Spartans, the 
gourmandizing of the Boeotians, the wantonness of the Lesbians 
and the Corinthians, the vulgar wit of the Megarians, the effeminacy 
and love of luxury of the Syracusans and of the Ionians, the idle staring 
of the Scythians, the savagery of the Triballians, the cowardice and 
general worthlessness of the Phrygians, Lydians, and Carians, etc. 
All this will prove of interest when, in the next chapter, we come to 
compare with it the treatment of the foreigner in Hellenistic comedy. 

Allusions to costume are rare as compared with allusions to 
mores. A Persian is attired in a gaudy peacock fashion, a Triballian 
is awkward in wearing his clothes, an Oriental cap (πιλίδιον Μύσιον), 
doubtless taken over from the tragic background of the travesty, 
belongs to the Mysian Telephus. Such distinctive references to dress 
serve to enhance the comic effect. 

The employment of foreign language and dialect in Aristophanes 
is sufficiently significant to be discussed in a separate chapter devoted 
to dialect (see chapter V). 

In one regard the handling of the foreigner in Aristophanes differs 
entirely from that in New Comedy, as seen in the Roman adaptations 
and to some extent in the fragmentary plays of Menander. Never in 
Aristophanes does the foreigner play an essential part in the plot. 
At most he assumes an active réle for a single episode, as the Megarian 
or the Boeotian in the Acharnians, or the mock-Persian in the same 
play. While each of these three characters adds to the comic effect 
and thus enriches the play, the elimination of none of them would 
affect the dramatic structure. It will be found in the study of Plautus 
and Terence, on the other hand, that the foreigner frequently is a 
leading, or at least an essential, réle in the technique of the plot. 


49 Aristotle in the ’A@. rod. 26, 4 says that a law was passed, on the proposal 
of Pericles, that no one should have the rights of citizenship whose parents were 
not both citizens. 

60 Phot. s.v. Ποτάμιοι. Reference is made in Aristoph. 225 and Cratinus 233 
to the vavrodixa:, before whom cases of doubtful citizenship were brought. 


Hesych. s.v. vavrodixat. 





28 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Hanno in the Poenulus and the mock-Persian in the Persa are striking 
examples. The foreigner in Old Comedy is introduced more for 
comic purposes than in Hellenistic comedy, in which the structure of 
the plot demands him. 

Attacks are made upon foreigners in Old Comedy both as racial 
groups and as individuals. The latter would be expected in view of 
the tendency of Old Comedy to attack individuals of all kinds; and 
it is seen especially in the ridicule made of supposed individual 
citizens for foreign birth. Frequently the nationality is specified. 
More common, however, as the foregoing exposition of Old Comedy 
shows, is the attack upon peoples or states as a whole. This may 


afford a basis for comparison with the handling of the foreigner 
in later comedy. 


sera A Satis 
rr ee oe 





CHAPTER III 


THE MENTAL AND MORAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE FOREIGNER 
IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


In a discussion of any phase of the foreigner in Hellenistic comedy 
it must be borne carefully in mind that there is a wide distinction 
between the Greek material and the Latin. The former is altogether 
fragmentary, a fact which precludes the possibility of following the 
foreigner as an active role in the plot of a play. It can only furnish 
allusions to foreigners in racial or political groups. The evidence of 
Plautus and Terence, on the other hand, while containing allusions 
to various nationalities, also reveals some individual foreigners in 
action. 

Again, the foreigner in the nature of the Greek evidence is essen- 
tially the non-Athenian; for, generally speaking, we do not know the 
scene of the Greek plays, and cannot regard the possibility that in a 
given play an Athenian himself may have been a foreigner so far as 
the scene of the play was laid in a town outside Athens. Roughly 
speaking, so far as the evidence is Greek, the point of view from which 
the foreigner is treated is Athenian; while in the Roman plays we can 


. distinguish both the foreigner as non-Athenian, and the foreigner who 


is an outsider with reference to the scene of the play. Moreover in the 
Latin evidence we can discriminate a few references obviously from 
the Roman standpoint. 

In this chapter I shall discuss the mores of the foreigner in the 
Hellenistic period. So far as possible I shall endeavor, by reference 
to other sources of information, to test the truth of attacks made by 
the comic poets on foreign political or racial groups. The assumption 
of course is that these sources are independent of comedy. Otherwise 
they are worthless for the purpose. Steinhausen, in a dissertation 
Κωμῳδούμενοι (1910), undertakes to show that attacks on individuals 
and races in comedy formed the subjects of treatises, and that these 
treatises had considerable influence over later literature. One must 
be cautious then in accepting as proof of the veracity of charges made 
in comedy the statements of later writers, who may themselves 
ultimately have derived their information from comedy itself. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


GREEK STATES 


The reputation of Boeotia was not enhanced, whether in history 
or in literary tradition, by her propinquity to Athens. With regard 
to Boeotian excesses, as Rhys Roberts shows,! it would be hardly 
fair to accept the statements of the comic poets as sober history, just 
as a City Feast might not be judged solely from the pages of Punch. 
This warning applies to all nationalities foreign to Athens. Gour- 
mandizing is the most conspicuous vice charged against the Boeotians. 
Mnesimachus 2 reads: εἰμὶ yap Βοιώτιος πολλὰ δ᾽ ἐσθίων.2 Diphilus 
22 is from ἃ play entitled Βοιώτιος, according to Athenaeus 417 e: 
οἷος ἐσθίειν πρὸ ἡμέρας ἀρξάμενος ἢ πάλιν πρὸς ἡμέραν. As it isin harmony 
with other evidence it is highly probable that it applies to a Boeotian. 
Eubulus 66: 


σὺ μὲν τὸ Θήβης, ws λέγεις, πέδον λιπών, 
ἀνδρῶν ἀρίστων ἐσθίειν δι᾽ ἡμέρας 
ὅλης τραχήλους καὶ κοπρῶνος πλησίον. 


Eubulus 34: 


Βοιωτῶν πόλιν 


2 “ bd ’ ᾽ ’ > ε ft 
ἀνδρῶν ἀρίστων ἐσθίειν δι᾿ ἡμέρας. 


It is ἃ matter not of the entire day alone but of the entire night as well 
in.Eubulus 53: 


μετὰ ταῦτα Θήβας ἦλθον, οὗ THY νύχθ᾽, ὅλην 
τὴν θ᾽ ἡμέραν δειπνοῦσι καὶ κοπρῶν᾽ ἔχει 

> 4 “~ , «“ aa U ; 

ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις ἕκαστος, οὗ πλήρει βρότῳ 
οὐκ ἔστι μεῖζον ἀγαθόν. ὡς χεζητιῶν 
μακρὰν βαδίζων, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἰδίων ἀνήρ, 


δάκνων τὰ χείλη, παγγέλοιός ἐστ᾽ ἰδεῖν. 


Demonicus 1: 
᾽ ld x, « a“ «- “~ 
ἐσπουδάκει δ᾽ ἕκαστος, ws ἂν ἑστιῶν 
wv > es " ‘ ’ 
ἅμα τ᾽ ὀξύπεινον ἄνδρα καὶ Βοιώτιον. 


1 The Ancient Boeotians p. 5 n. 2. 


2 The fragments are quoted from Kock Comicorum Alticorum Fragmenta 


(1880-1888). 


3 Athenaeus 417 a says that entire nations are satirized for gourmandizing. 
He gives Boeotia as an example, quoting this passage. All the passages quoted 
thus far owe their preservation to Athenaeus 417 c-e. 


ΕΞ ΘῊΡ aa tat Sin Dail a NT, ll aa lew ew 


ὗν parks 


oe a 


Bia 


a og eae es se ee 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 31 


The special accomplishment of the Boeotians and the corresponding 
deficiency of the Athenians are put in striking contrast in the ᾿Αντιόπη 
of Eubulus 12: 


πώνειν μὲν dues Kal φαγεῖν μέγ᾽ ἀνδρικοί 
ι lal Lal 2 7 “ 

καὶ καρτερεῖμεν, τοῖς δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις λέγειν 

καὶ μικρὰ φαγέμεν, τοὶ δὲ Θηβαῖοι μέγα." 


The most unkind cut of all is found in Eubulus 39: 


we ld ? > 4 4 ld ’ 
οὕτω σφόδρ᾽ ἐστὶ τοὺς τρόπους Βοιώτιος, 


ὥστ᾽ οὐδὲ δειπνῶν, ὡς λέγουσ᾽, ἐμπίμπλαται. 


The charge of sluggishness is associated, as is natural, with that of 
excess in eating, Alexis 237: 


νῦν δ᾽ ἵνα μὴ παντελῶς Βοιώτιοι 
’ > ? “ [ἢ « “ , f 
φαίνησθ᾽ εἶναι τοῖς διασύρειν ὑμᾶς εἰθισμένοις, 
ὡς ἀκίνητοι νῦν εἶναι βοᾶν καὶ πονεῖν μόνον 
καὶ δειπνεῖν ἐπιστάμενοι διὰ τέλους τὴν νύχθ᾽ ὅλην, 


υμνοῦθ᾽ αὑτοὺς θᾶττον ἅπαντες. 


Anonymous 337 is a passage from a certain Dicaearchus,® which 
mentions the respective vices of the several Boeotian cities. Nauck’ 
thinks that it consists of excerpts from comedy. None of the qualities 
mentioned has special significance except ἀναισθησία, which is 
ascribed to the inhabitants of Haliartus. It is unreasonable to sup- 


4 Eustathius 954, 33 says that it is a Boeotian who speaks these words. 

5 In Aristophanes Frogs 899 the Athenians are described as οὐκ ἀκίνητοι φρένες. 
The Athenians are quick-witted in contrast to the dull-witted Boeotians, as Kock, 
on the use of ἀκίνητοι in Alexis, says. The statement of Plutarch, himself a Boeo- 
tian, is of special value Moralia 995 e: τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἡμᾶς οἱ ᾿Αττικοὶ καὶ παχεῖς καὶ 
ἀναισθήτους καὶ ἠλιθίους μάλιστα διὰ Tas ἀδηφαγίας προσαγορεύουσιν" .. . καὶ ὁ 
Μένανδρος ‘ot γνάθους ἔχουσι᾽. Meineke thinks that γνάθους ἔχουσι are the words of 
Menander. In any case, judging from Plutarch’s statement, Menander must have 
satirized the Boeotians for their propensity to gluttony. Hits at the stupidity of 
the Boeotians as due to the heavy atmosphere of their country are found in Cic. 
de Fato 4, 7; Hor. Ep. IT 1, 244. 

61,25 in C. Miiller Geog. Min. 1 104. For the identity of Dicaearchus and 
for the historical value of the passage see Pauly Wissowa Realenc. s.v. Dikatarchos. 
Roberts The Ancient Boeotians p. 10 comments on the passage. 

7 Philologus VI 425, 26. Yet he puts the passage into metrical form, with 
unimportant changes, which suggests that he was not certain of its being from 
several sources. He mentions the fact that Antiphanes, Theophilus, and Menan- 
der each wrote a Βοιωτία. 





32 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


pose that each of nine towns in a district the size of Boeotia should 
possess a distinctive vice.® 

The Pharsalians and the Mantineans both suffer from the charge 
of excess in eating, though in each case but one fragment in the whole 
range of comedy makes the charge, and in each case an individual 
is the target. Mnesimachus 8 bears on the former: 


τῶν Φαρσαλίων 
ἥκει τις ἵνα καὶ τὰς τραπέζας καταφάγη ; 
B. οὐδεὶς πάρεστιν. A. εὖ γε δρῶντες ἄρά που 
> 4 ’ la ; ΄ . 
ὀπτὴν κατεσθίουσι πόλιν ᾿Αχαιικήν ; 


The interpretation of Athenaeus? makes the individual stand for the 
race. A Mantinean is satirized in Theophilus 3. 


᾿Ατρεστίδας τις Μαντινεὺς λοχαγὸς ἦν, 


ἀνδρῶν ἁπάντων πλεῖστα δυνάμενος φαγεῖν. 


The racial characteristic is not inevitable here; and, as Athenaeus 
quotes this among other passages attacking individuals, 417 a, while 
in 417 b he expressly takes up entire nations, it may be inferred that 
he makes a distinction. Moreover the man is called by name, while 
in the Pharsalian*passage he is not. 


’ A single passage, Laon 2, is favorable to the Boeotians: 


Βοιώτιον ἄνδρα στέργε, τὴν Βοιωτίαν 


μὴ φεῦγ᾽. ὁ μὲν γὰρ χρηστός, ἡ δ᾽ ἐφίμερος. 


Dicaearchus loc. cit. 1, 22 Says of it: γράφει δ᾽ ἐπαινῶν αὐτοὺς καὶ οὐ λέγων τὴν 
ἀλήθειαν. Meineke I p. 486 n. 14 thinks that the play of Antiphanes called Φιλοθή- 
βαιος ridiculed those at Athens who imitated the customs of the Thebans. 

Roberts op. cit. chap. I has gathered all the evidence, literary and historical, 
pertaining to the reputation of the ancient Boeotians. He concludes, on this basis 
that, while there were some grounds for Athens’ harsh opinion as expressed 
in the proverb Βοιωτία is, the evidence outside of comedy does not substantiate 
the severe strictures of the comedians. He says on p. 76: “Under such untoward 
conditions [the undoubted ill-fortune of their country in respect of historians, and 
of Attic prejudice and Attic contrast], we can well believe that steadiness and 
solidity might come to be regarded as stupidity (ἀναισθησία); a proud and warlike 
spirit, as insolence (ὕβρις); simplicity in a good sense, as simplicity in a bad sense 
(the two kinds of εὐήθεια): self-indulgence as swinishness (Βοιωτία js). See 
Steinhausen Κωμῳδούμενοι p. 62 n. 3. 


9418 b: Φαρσάλιοι δὲ κωμῳδοῦνται ὡς πολυφάγοι. Μνησίμαχος γοῦν ἐν Φιλίππῳ 
φησί κτλ. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Thessaly: akin to the charge just discussed is that of high-living, 
for which the Thessalians are frequently ridiculed. Alexis 213 reads: 


μέλλοντα δειπνίζειν yap ἄνδρα Θετταλὸν 

οὐκ ᾿Αττικηρῶς οὐδ᾽ ἀπηκριβωμένως 

λιμῷ παρελθεῖν. .. ἃ δεῖ καθ᾽ ἕν 

ἕκαστον αὐτοῖς παρατιθέντα μεγαλείως δέ]}.19 


The same adjective is applied to the Thessalians in Eriphus 6: 


~ , ’ 
εὐτραπέζων Θετταλῶν ξένων τροφαί."} 


In Ephippus 1 the epithet κολλικοφάγος is applied to a Thessalian:” 


παρ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου δ᾽ ἐκ Θετταλίας 


κολλικοφάγου κρίβανος ἄρτων. 


Antiphanes 276 puts the point strikingly: 


ἕν νόσημα τοῦτ᾽ ἔχει" 
“2 
ἀεὶ γὰρ ὀξὑὐπεινός ἐστι. Β. Θετταλὸν λέγεις 


κομιδῇ τὸν ἄνδρα. 
They preferred their steaks cut thick, Philetaerus 10 


καὶ χειροβαρὲς σαρκὸς veias 


Θετταλότμητον κρέας." 


Eubulus 88 satirizes the distinctive Thessalian characteristic, though 
in a modified form: 


τρέφει με Θετταλός Tis, ἄνθρωπος βαρύς, 
πλουτῶν, φιλάργυρος δὲ, κἀλιτήριος, 
ὀψοφάγος, ὀψωνῶν δὲ μέχρι τριωβόλου. 


The antithesis πλουτῶν, φιλάργυρος δέ is balanced by ὀψοφάγος, ὀψωνῶν 
δέ. Ηε isa gourmand by nature, but, being miserly as well, he will not 


10 Whether the words in brackets are those of the comic poet, as Mein. thinks, 
or those of Athen., as Kock thinks, the following comment of Athen. indicates 


> f > " ε a 
the significance of the passage: εὐτράπεζοί εἰσιν ὄντως οἱ Θετταλοί. 


1! Eustath. 331, 14, as well as Athen., makes note of the propensities of the 
Thessalians as indicated in this fragment. 


12 The same epithet is applied to the Boeotians in Ar. Ach. 872. 


13 Eustath. 857, 30 quotes the same words without mentioning the poet's 
name. On that basis he calls the Thessalians πολυφάγοι. For similar 
comic hits in Old Comedy cf. Crates 19, Hermippus 41. 





34 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


spend his own money to an extent exceeding three obols in order to 
indulge his appetite.* It is to be noted that the attack is on an 
individual, not upon the race.” 

Sybaris: anonymous 684, Συβαριτικὴ τράπεζα, means a table 
worthy of the Sybarites, i.e., one that was maintained according to 
the most ‘uxurious standards.” 

Corinth: in comedy as in history'® ancient Corinth was notorious 
for its many beautiful courtesans and for its licentiousness. Of the 


14 This interpretation was suggested to me by Professor H. W. Prescott. It 
contradicts Kock’s notion that the passage is inconsistent and that ὀψοφάγος 
must be corrupt. Kock would emend to μονοφάγος or σκατοφάγος. 


4 Evidence of Thessalian love of luxury and highliving is not confined to 
comedy. Plato Crito 53 ἃ mentions the vices of ἀταξία and ἀκολασία as prevalent 
in Thessaly; 53 e reads: τί ποιῶν ἢ εὐωχούμενος ἐν Θετταλίᾳ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἀποδε- 
δημηκὼς εἰς Θετταλίαν. Xen. Mem. 1, 2, 24 refers to the ἀνομία there. Theo- 
pompus, in Athen. 527 a, describes Thessalian license and indulgence. Cf. Athen. 
624 c. 


16 This proverb occurs in Zenobius’ collection V 87 (see Leutsch-Schneidewin 
Paroemiogr. Gr. 1 156), with the comment: ἀντὶ rod ἐν πολυτελείᾳ. Τρυφηταὶ yap 
Συβαρῖται; also in Apostolius XV 83 a (see Leutsch-Schneid. II 649), with the 
comment: ἐπὶ τῶν ἄγαν τρυφηλῶν. Cf. Aristoph. Peace 344 συβαρίζειν, on which the 
scholiast says: ἀντὶ τοῦ τρυφᾶν, ἀπὸ τῆς Συβαριτικῆς τρυφῆς. Suid. s.v. Συβαριτικαῖς: 
Συβαρῖται δὲ γάστριες ἦσαν καὶ τρυφηταί. Cf. Hdt. ΝῚ 127: Athen. 518--21. 

17 The life of luxury portrayed in the Miles may be mentioned in this con- 
nection. All that can be said of Periplectomenus 612 ff. is that he has the love of 
pleasure and refined luxurious living for which the Ionians were notorious (Cf. 
Plut. Lycurgus 4). Legrand Daos p. 66 is doubtful whether he could pass as a 
foreigner. At least, in his opinion, Periplectomenus would be the only one of 
Ephesian nationality in the play. Leo Plaut. Forsch.2 p.181n. 4 thinks that we 
have a Stiick neuattischen Lebens. 


The Ionians in general, Athen. says, are satirized in Antiphanes 91: πόθεν 
οἰκήτωρ, ἤ τις ᾿Ιώνων / τρυφεραμπεχόνων aBpds ἡδυπαθὴς / ὄχλος ὥρμηνται; cf. Menan- 
der 462 lines 10, 11: ᾿ἸἸωνικὸς πλούταξ' ὑποστάσεις ποιῶ, ,|ἰκάνδαυλον, ὑποβινητιῶντα 
βρώματα. In Old Comedy cf. Callias 5. 


18 The wealth and prosperity of ancient Corinth are referred to in numerous 
places, e.g. Hdt. III 52; Pindar Ol. XIII 4; Thuc. 113. Zenobius V 37 says that 
it was noted for the number and beauty of its courtesans. Many rich foreign 
merchants passed through Corinth, stopping long enough to spend their money on 
the courtesans, Strabo VIII 6, 20. In the same passage Strabo tells of more than 
a thousand sacred hetaerae whose earnings were dedicated to Aphrodite. In view 
of the facility with which merchants spent their money there, says Strabo, the 
proverb arose: οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐς Κόρινθον ἔσθ᾽ ὁ πλοῦς. For more on this subject see 
Daremberg et Saglio s.v. meretrices 1115 p. 1823; Lobeck Aglaophamus p. 1021. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 35 


anonymous fragment 739 Κορίνθιαι πέδαι, Hesychius says: αἱ ἀπὸ 
Κορίνθου τῆς πόλεως γυναῖκες. Κορινθιαστῆς as the name of a play both 
of Philetaerus and of Poliochus seems significant.!® In the play of 
Philetaerus 5 are the following lines: 


οὐκ ἐτὸς ἑταίρας ἱερόν ἐστι πανταχοῦ, 
ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὲ γαμετῆς οὐδαμοῦ τῆς Ἑλλάδος. 


The context is lacking, but the fact that they occur in a play on 
Corinth would seem to connect them with the Corinthian hetaerae.?° 
Alexis 253 reads as follows: 


᾿Αφροδίσι᾽ ἦγε ταῖς ἑταίραις ἡ πόλις" 
ἕτερα δὲ χωρίς ἐστι ταῖς ἐλευθέραις. 
ταῖς ἡμέραις ταύταις δὲ κωμάζειν ἔθος 
ἔστιν, νόμος τε τὰς ἑταίρας ἐνθάδε 
μεθύειν 3 μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν. 


Athenaeus 574 b provides the identity of the πόλις in the first line as 
Corinth, and says: ᾿Αφροδίσια ἴδια ἄγουσιν αὐτόθι αἱ ἑταῖραι, ἤΛλεξις ἐν 
Φιλούσῃ φησίν. Anaxandrides 9 mentions the hetaera Lais from Corinth, 
the most famous of her hetaerae.” Her name occurs in Eriphus 6 
also. Anonymous fragment 123 describes the inhabitants of 
Corinth as ἀχαρίτους and dveragpodirous.4 The former adjective, 
which signifies ungracious, suggests the meaning of the latter. In 


19 Steph. Byz. says s.v. Κόρινθος: κορινθιάζομαι τὸ ἑταιρεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Κορίνθῳ 
ἑταιρῶν" ἢ τὸ μαστροπεύειν. Cf. Lobeck Aglaoph. p. 1021. 


20 Cf. Athen. 5171 c. 
21 Reading supplied by Porson. 
22 See Dar. et Sag. s.v. Meretrices III? p. 1823. 


23 The reading of anonym. 1360 is uncertain. Meineke thinks it should be 
κυνόφαλλοι, guo libidines Corinthiorum a poeta comico notari potuerunt. In Heauton 
96-98 a woman is spoken of as having come from Corinth, who, though not called 
a lena, is practically such, for her sole interest is gain, 234. In Hecyra 85-87 a 
meretrix tells of going off to Corinth to live for two years with a soldier. That sort 
of thing was thought of as more general at Corinth than elsewhere. Cf. Eubulus 
54; Diphilus 32 in the “Euzopos, of which the scene is Corinth (see Athen. 227 e), 
implies that luxury was so common at Corinth that serious efforts were made to 
restrain it; Apollod. of Carystus 5 ll. 21, 22. 


324 On this word cf. Aul. Gellius Noctes AtticaeI,5,3 fin. The Latin invenustus 
has a similar meaning. 





36 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


contrast to their beautiful city the Corinthians are destitute of the 


finer graces.” 
Epidamnus: Menaechmi 258-264 is an arraignment of the 


Epidamnians for a variety of vices which are in a class with those 
that have been treated: 


Nam ita est haec hominum natio: in Epidamnieis 
voluptarii atque potatores maxumet; 

tum sycophantae et palpatores plurumet 

in urbe hac habitant; twm meretrices mulferes 
nusquam perhibentur blandiores gentium 

pro pterea huic urbei nomen Epidamno inditumst, 
guia nemo ferme huc sine damno devoriitur. 


The etymology in 263,64 is intended to be éritdamnum. That the 
Romans thought of the name as connected with the Latin damnum 
is shown by the fact that they changed it to Dyrrachium because of 
the illomen.2> These two verses then are original with the Latin poet. 
Legrand Daos 66, 67 says that the Menaechmi does not provide a 
picture of the life of Epidamnus. But he considers the sally of 
Messenio 258 ff. “ἀπε boutade isolée.”’ It seems highly probable 
that 258-62 is from a Greek original. The Greek dramatist would 
hardly have allowed such an attack had he been speaking of his home 
town.2? It must remain a matter of opinion, but it appears to me that 
the passage is a conscious thrust at foreigners. 


5 In Alexis 210 the parasite Chaerephon flies over sea to Corinth to dinner 
uninvited. Menander 764: Κορινθίῳ πίστευε καὶ μὴ χρῶ φίλῳ is made the basis of a 
charge of faithlessness against the Corinthians by Legrand Daos p.71. It appears 
to mean, “if you trust a Corinthian you will never find him a true friend.” It 
does not seem possible to understand the negative with the first verb from its use 
with the second, as Mein. does. Mein. compares Theocr. Epigr. 6, 6, where how- 
ever οὐδέ, not μή, is used, a different matter. The scene of Menander’s Periceiro- 
mene is Corinth (see Capps’ Men. p. 144). Capps sees no attempt at local coloring, 
and says that there is no apparent reason why Men. chose Corinth rather than 
Athens as the scene of the play (p. 145). Koerte thinks (ed. maior xxxii) Men. may 
have selected Corinth because Athenian laws concerning concubinage were less 
suited to his play. 


% Pliny N.H. III 23; Pomp. Mela II 3. 


27 Phillipson in Pauly-Wissowa Realenc. s.v. Dyrrhachion says: Ihre Einwohner, 
deren Haupgittin Venus war (Catull. 36, 15), waren als ausschweifend und 
lasterhaft bekannt (Plaut. Men. 258 ff.). He makes this passage alone sufficient 
evidence for the actual character of the Epidamnians. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 37 


Chalcis: the verb xadxidifew (anonymous 1192) the comic poets 
are said to have used to connote φιλαργυρία,25 and madepacreiv.29 
Philiscus 3: χρηστῶν σφόδρ᾽ ἔσθ᾽ ἡ Χαλκὶς Ἑλλήνων πόλις is quoted after a 
statement of Dicaearchus* that the Chalcidians acquired the habit of 
bearing their misfortunes lightly. But, as Kock remarks, ῥάθυμοι and 
χρηστοί are not equivalent.*! 

Sicily (Syracuse, Agrigentum): love of luxury is conspicuous 
among the Sicilians, if Philemon 76 and Epicrates 6 are to be trusted. 
Sicily is, in many passages, celebrated for the skill of its cooks,” a 
fact which is rather naturally associated with their luxurious pro- 
pensities. Sicilians are homines voluptarii in Rudens 54; the greatest 
profits can be made among them with courtesans, Rudens 56. A 
senex (from Agrigentum) is branded as scelestus and urbis proditor 
in Rudens 50.** 


28 Thus Plut. Prov. 1, 84: ἐπὶ τῶν γλισχρευομένων. οἱ γὰρ ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ Χαλκιδεῖς 
ἐπὶ φιλαργυρίᾳ ἐκωμῳδοῦντο. Eustath. 279, 18; Suid. on χαλκιδίζειν καὶ χαλκιδεύεσθαι- 

29 Hesych. χαλκιδίζειν. ἐπὶ τῶν παιδεραστούντων, ἐπεὶ ἐπλεόναζον παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς οἷ 
παιδικοὶ ἔρωτες ; Plut. Mor. 761 ἃ says that the Chalcidians formerly censured τὸ 
παιδεραστεῖν but at that time (the time when Cleomachus, the Thessalian, assisted 
the Chalcidians in a war with Eretria) they held it in high esteem and honor. 

30 Frag. Hist. Graec. 11 261. 

1 Τῇ any event the allusion is complimentary. A play of Axionicus entitled 
Χαλκιδικός is thought by Kock to have treated a man who imitated the customs of 
the Chalcidians, not a citizen of Chalcis. In Pseud. 729-31 a man malus et doctus 
has just arrived from Carystus, a town in Euboea. The fact that he is a suitable 
person to take the réle of impostor is of course due merely to his being an alien 
and not to the fact that he is from Euboea. Α Euboean soldier is mentioned in 
Epid.153. Heis called a Rhodian miles in 300. On this apparent inconsistency 
cf. Langen Plaut. Studien pp. 140, 41, who shows that there really is no contradic- 
tion. In 300 Epidicus is inventing the whole story to impose upon Periphanes. 
Ussing agrees with Langen. Strabo 10, 448 says that the Eretrians are satirized 
for their excessive use of the letter p. Cf. Suid. on χαλκιδίζειν, who associates the 
Chalcidians with the Eretrians in this practice. 

ὃ Cf. Antiph. 90, Diphilus 119, Ephippus 22, Alexis 24, Cratinus the Younger 
1. Comedy makes only less noted in cookery the Eleans, Epicrates 6, Antiph. 
36; and the Chians, Timocles 37, Baton 4, Euphron 1,1. 6 (cf. Athen. 25e,f). For 
a fuller discussion as to the region of the Greek world from which μάγειροι came, 
see Rankin The Réle of the Μάγειροι in the Life of the Ancient Greeks ch. IV. On 
Sicilian cooking outside comedy see Plato Gorgias 518 Ὁ, Repub. 404d. Cf. the 
proverb Συρακοσίων τράπεζα Athen. 527, Macarius VII 92 (Schneid.-Leutsch). 

8 This last appears to be a personal rather than a local attack. Plays entitled 
Σικελικός were written by Philemon and Diphilus; one entitled Συρακόσιος by Alexis. 
Their content is a matter of mere conjecture. Another reference to Sicily is found 
in Epicrates 11, Il. 27-29. 


2 
2 





38 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Argos: thieving, drunkenness, and litigiousness are charged 
against the Argives. Hesychius assists the interpretation of anony- 
mous 849 ’Apyeia φορά by the comment: ὡς φιλοδίκους καὶ συκοφάντας 
᾿Αργείους kwuwdodow.** Diphilus 120 reads: τὸ μὲν “Apyos ἵππος, ot δ᾽ 
ἐνοικοῦντες λύκοι. Alexis 153 reads: καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αργείους ὁρῶ. Macarius 
II 38% on ᾿Αργείους ὁρᾷς comments: ἐπὶ τῶν [πρὸς] ὁτι οὖν ἀποβλεπόντων 
καταπλητικώτατα. καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐπὶ κλοπῇ ὑπονοουμένων ἰδίως, παρόσον εἰς 
τοῦτο κωμῳδοῦνται ᾿Αργεῖοι. Ephippus 2 charges the Argives and the 
Tirynthians with drunkenness: Τιρύνθιον ᾿Αργεῖον, of μεθύοντες ἀεὶ τὰς 
μάχας πάσας μάχονται; Β. τοιγαροῦν φεύγουσ᾽ ἀεί; on which Athenaeus 
comments: κωμῳδοῦνται δὲ ws μέθυσοι ᾿Αργεῖοι μὲν Kal Τιρύνθιοι ὑπὸ 
Ἐφίππου ἐν Βουσίριδι.8 

Byzantium: in Menander 67 is the following: 

πάντας μεθύσους τοὺς ἐμπόρους 
ποιεῖ τὸ Βυζάντιον. ὅλην ἐπίνομεν 
τὴν νύκτα διὰ σὲ καὶ σφόδρ᾽ ἄκρατόν μοι δοκῶ. 
39 


ἀνίσταμαι γοῦν τέτταρας κεφαλὰς ἔχων. 


Sparta stands in sharp contrast with the cities that are satirized 


particularly for. sensual vices. In Antiphanes 44 the frugality and 


hard mode of life at Sparta are made fun oi: 


84 Cf. Diogenianus II 79, Apostol. III 76, Eustath. 286, 19, 20, all of whose 
comments are in accord with Hesych. 

35 The statement regarding the Argives in Isocrates Philippus 52 may throw 
light on the meaning of λύκοι : αὐτοὶ τοὺς ἐνδοξοτάτους Kal πλουσιωτάτους τῶν πολιτῶν 
ἀπολλύουσιν καὶ ταῦτα δρῶντες οὕτω χαίρουσιν, ὡς οὐδένες ἄλλοι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀποκτείνον- 
res. Cf. Macrob. Sat. V 21. See Steinhausen Κωμῳδούμενοι p. 33 n. 1, p. 62 n. 3. 

86 Paroemiographi Graeci ed. Schneidewin-Leutsch. 

37 Cf. appendix prov. ΠῚ 35. The expression ᾿Αργεῖοι y&pes occurs in 
Aristoph. 57, on which cf. Suidas. 

38 Cauer in Pauly-Wissowa Realenc.s.v. Argolis fin. speaks of the notoriety 
of the Argives for drinking, litigiousness, and stealing. All the evidence 
which he adduces,- however, is from comedy. 

39 To this charge that Byzantium is ‘‘wide-open” Aelian Var. Hist. III 14 
gives weight by using the epithet oivégdvyes of the Byzantines. Cf. entire section. 
At the end of it he says that Menander seems to agree with what he had said: 
μεθύσους τοὺς ἐμπόρους etc. Eustath. on Dionys. Perieg. 804 says: κωμῳδοῦνται δὲ 
εἰς μέθην οἱ παλαιοὶ Βυζάντιοι. In Diphilus 17 lines 11, 12 ἃ cook at Athens speaks 
of the Byzantines as liking their food smothered in wormwood. 

Kubitschek Pauly-Wissowa Realenc. s.v. Byzantion does not accept the stories of 
the Byzantine propensities to drink as established fact. With reference to the 
Milesians Athen. 442 e says: Μιλησίους δ᾽ Εὔβουλος ἐν Κατακολλωμένῳ ὑβριστὰς 
εἶναί φησι μεθυσθέντας. Cf. Eubulus 42, which is in praise of a Milesian maiden. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


ἐν Λακεδαίμονι 
γέγονας ; ἐκείνων τῶν νόμων μεθεκτέον 
ἐστίν. βάδιζ᾽ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον εἰς τὰ φειδίτια, 
ἀπόϊχαυε τοῦ ζωμοῦ, φόρει τοὺς βύστακας 
μὴ καταφρόνει, μηδ᾽ ἕτερ᾽ ἐπιζήτει καλά, 
ἐν τοῖς δ᾽ ἐκείνων ἔθεσιν ἴσθ᾽ ἀρχαιικός.49 


The adverb λακωνικῶς in Diphilus 96, from the context, must mean 
‘sparingly.’ Captivi 471: nil morantur iam Lacones unisubsell 
viros*! is a slur cast at the Spartans, to whom the parasites are com- 
pared in respect to the hard benches which both use at the table. 
The Spartans by choice refused the luxury of reclining. Anonymous 
410 ἐν Σπάρτῃ μόνῃ / τυφλός ἐσθ᾽ ὁ Πλούτος ὥσπερ ἄψυχος γὙραφή hits 
Sparta for holding wealth in such low esteem. Porphyr. de abstin. 
4,4; Plut. Lycurgus 10. Laconian brevity, which is still proverbial, 
is satirized in anonymous 417, 18, 19: ἀγρὸν ἔσχ᾽ ἐλάττω γῆν ἔχοντ᾽ 
ἐπιστολῆς Aaxwrixis.2 A play of Stephanus entitled Φιλολάκων is 
thought by Meineke to have treated imitators of Spartan customs, 
which are satirized in Aristophanes Birds 1281 ἐλακωνομάνουν Plato 124 
σπαρτιωκαίτην and others.“ Antiphanes 117 appears to be a thrust 
at the degeneracy of the Spartans of the present as compared with the 
past when they were invincible: 

οὐκ épiowv Λάκωνες ὡς ἀπορθητοί ποτε; 

νῦν δ᾽ ὁρμηρεύουσ᾽ ἔχοντες πορφυροῦς 

κεκρυφάλους." 


40 Athen. 142 f. διακωμῳδῶν ᾿Αντιφάνης τὰ Λακωνικὰ δεῖπνα. φειδίτια in line 3 may 
be a parody on φιλίτια, which means the common meals at Sparta, as Miiller 
suggests Dor. II p.274n.2. Cf. Plut. Lycurgus 12. 

“ Cf. Stichus 489; Οἷς. pro Murena 74 cotidianis epulis in robore accumbunt 
(of the Spartans); Plut. Lyc. 10; Ussing on Capt. 470 of his text says: Lacones 
parasitos dicit, quia, ut pueri Lacedaemonii, sic et parasiti plagas et verbera ferre 
consueverant. He compares Petr. Sat. 105: tres plagas Spartana nobilitate concoxt. 
The epithet plagipatidas in 472 suggests the interpretation which Ussing hasgiven. 
For Spartan simplicity, economy, and hardihood generally compare Plut. Lye. 
passim. 

42 Longinus De Sublimitate 38, 4 quotes it as an instance of τὰ κωμικά. Cf. 
Strabo I, 36. Plut. Lyc. 19, 20 discusses the Spartan custom of using as few 
words as possible, and its virtue. 

4 Cf. Plato Protag. 342 Ὁ and Demosth. against Conon 34 where λακωνίζω 
is used in an unfavorable sense from the point of view of Athens. See Mein. 
Hist. Crit. pp. 485, 86. 

44Qn the decadence of Sparta cf. Aesch. c. Ctesiph. 133; Diod. XVII 73; 
Quint. Curtius VI I 16; Harpocration s.v. ὁμηρεύοντας. Kock comments: quid 
πορφυροῖ κεκρύφαλοι sibi velint nescio, nisi forte poeta significat Lacedaemonios tam 
mulierum instar esse. 





40 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Megara: against this town the comic thrusts are not specific. 
The precise meaning of yeyapifovres, anonymous 1076, cannot be 
obtained, as the context is lacking. Words formed in such a manner 
seem to have been almost invariably uncomplimentary.® A sarcastic 
thrust is conveyed in anonymous 777: 


μηδέποτε μηδεὶς γένοιτο Μεγαρέων σοφώτερος." 


Anonymous 536: 


Μεγαρεῖς δὲ φεῦγε πάντας" εἰσὶ γὰρ πικροί 


is referred by Meineke’? to the conviciorum petulantia of the Megarians 
in their vulgar comedy. The Megarians are deserving of no considera- 
tion, according to two fragments, anonymous 502: Μεγαρεῖς γὰρ 
ἔξω τοῦ λόγου καὶ τἀριθμοῦ, and 673: Μεγαρέων οὐδεὶς λόγος. [Ιη 
Persa 137, 38 a leno has recently migrated to Athens from Megara. 
The plot for the ruin ofa girl and its execution at Megara are 
recounted in a fragment of fabula palliata.* 

Acanthus: in Amphis 36 the comic poet takes advantage of the 
two meanings suggested by ᾿Ακάνθιος to make a thrust at a native 
of that town. The man is στρυφνός, thus contrasting with the sweet 


4 Cf. Aaxwritw, Χαλκιδίξω, Κορινθιάζομαι, etc. This would not necessarily be 
true when the word was used of dialect. Cf. Ar. Ach. 822 μεγαριεῖς. 


46 This proverb is found in the collections of Apostol. 11, 54, and Diogen. 
6, 57 with the comment: émi τοῦ ἀναισθήτου. χαριεντιζόμενοι δὲ τοῦτο ἔλεγον. 


47 Hist. Crit. p. 20. For a discussion of Megarian comedy and Athenian 
attitude toward it see Mein. op. cit. pp. 20 ff. 


48 This appears to have been a commonplace outside of comedy. Cf. Libanius 
oratio pro rhetoribus 215, 27: τὸ τῶν Μεγαρέων πεπονθέναι ῥητορικῆ τε καὶ ῥήτορες 
ἔξω καὶ λόγου καὶ ἀριθμοῦ κείμενοι; and Plut. Mor. 730d: τῶν ἐμῶν πολιτῶν ὥσπερ 
Μεγαρέων οὐδεὶς λόγος. Callimachus Ep. XXV: Μεγαρέων οὐ λόγος οὐδ᾽ ἀριθμός ; 
Theocr. XIV 48, 49: οὔτε λόγω τινὸς ἄξιοι οὔτ᾽ ἀριθμητοί, / δύστηνοι Μεγαρῆες. 
The Megarian episode in Aristoph. Ach. 729 ff. supports the view of Megara 
as a town noted for its brothels. 


49 Ribbeck Comic. Rom. Fragmenta,* Ex Incertis Incertorum Fab., \l. 2-4. On 
the proverb: Μεγαρέων δάκρυα Hesych. says ἐπὶ τῶν προσποιητῶς δακρυόντων. 566 


Mein. Hist. Crit. p. 21 n. 6. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 41 


wine of Acanthus, but agreeing in character with the name of the 
town, ἄκανθα being the word for thorn.*° 

Delos: in Crito 3 line 8 the Delians are called παράσιτοι τοῦ θεοῦ. 
This may be satire on their willingness to act as attendants at the 
preparation of the sacrificial offerings.” 

Sunium: Anaxandrides 4 represents Sunium as a town where 
slaves may quickly become citizens and enjoy full rights: 


πολλοὶ δὲ viv μέν εἰσιν οὐκ ἐλεύθεροι, 
εἰς αὔριον δὲ Συνιεῖς, εἶτ᾽ εἰς τρίτην 


ἀγορᾷ κέχρηνται. 


Cyrene: the people of Cyrene are ridiculed for lacking a sense of 
propriety. When one person is invited to a dinner, a large crowd of 
companions and attendants goes with him,” Alexis 239: 


ἄνθρωπος εἶναί μοι Kupnvatos δοκεῖς" 
κἀκεῖ γὰρ ἄν τις ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἕνα καλῇ, 
πάρεισιν ὀκτωκαίδεκ᾽ ἄλλοι, Kal δέκα 
ἅρματα συνωρίδες τε πεντεκαίδεκα. 
τούτοις δὲ bet σε τἀπιτήδει᾽ ἐμβαλεῖν, 


ὥστ᾽ ἦν κράτιστον μηδὲ καλέσαι μηδένα. 
Ceos: the reading of Menander 613 is as follows: 


καλὸν τὸ Kelwy νόμιμόν ἐστι, Pavia’ 


«- κ , n “ ᾽ oo ζω 
ὁ μὴ δυνάμενος ζῆν καλῶς οὐ ζῇ κακῶς. 


Strabo 10, 486 and Stephanus of Byzantium 5.0. ᾿Ιουλίς explain this 
passage from Menander as referring to the custom among the people 


50 The fact that it is a word play of course lessens the significance of the 
thrust. The last line of the fragm. yields an inference favorable to the character 
of the citizens of Acanthus in general. In Ter. Andria a gentleman of Andros 
plays a prominent part 796 ff., 904 ff. The characterization of him is favorable. 
Cf. Donatus on 796. 


δι Cf, Schoeffer in Pauly-Wissowa Realenc. s.v. Delos p. 2469, who refers to Athen. 
173 b-d. Jebb Jour. Hell. Stud. 1 22 says of the Delians: “an idle population, 
those parasites of Greece whom Delos nourished.” He gives no evidence for the 
statement. Cf. Ferguson Hellenistic Athens p. 332. 


82 Cf, Eustath. 1148, 32. In Alexis 36 a certain Cyrenaean, Aristippus, is 
satirized. Most likely it is as the philosopher Aristippus rather than as native of 
Cyrene. Thescene of the Rudens is laidin Cyrene. It would be difficult, however, 
to prove that any characteristics of the people of Cyrene are portrayed. None of 
the leading characters is a native of Cyrene. 





42 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


of Ceos of disposing of persons beyond sixty years of age by means 
of hemlock in order that there may be a living sufficient for the rest.® 

Myconus: anonymous 439: Μυκονίων δίκην ἐπεισπέπαικεν εἰς τὰ 
συμπόσια, makes ἃ thrust similar to the one above on Cyrene. Here, 
however, one does not even wait for an invitation.*4 In Apollodorus 
of Carystus 12 occurs the expression: Μυκόνιος φαλακρός, a hit at the 
tendency to baldness in Myconus.” 

Other allusions to Greeks are too uncertain as to origin and date to 
be of much value.” 


83 Heraclides de Polit. IX and Aelian V.H. III 37 tell of the same 
practice. In Meleager (A. P. VII 470) a certain person, in reply to the 
question whether he had departed from life on account of old age or 
disease says: ἤλυθον “Avdav αὐτοθελεὶ Kelwy γευσάμενος κυλίκων. Val. Max. IT 6, 8 
notes the same practice in Ceos. Miiller Dorier II p. 222 n. 1; Kretisch von 
Ursprung gewiss nicht Ionisch, sind nach meiner Meinung die wunderbar strengen 
Sittengesetze von Keos. 

Other colorless or unimportant passages affecting foreigners are as follows: 
Lemnos, Cist. 157-87; Tanagra, Sophilus 4; Abydus, Eudoxus 2; Anactorium, 
Poen. 93, 94; Delphi, anonym. 460; Rhodes, Eun. 420, 423, 498; Diphilus 17; 
Lynceus 1; Perinthus, Lynceus 1; Sinope, Alexis 104; Crotona, anonym. 1270; 
Carthage, Menander 263. The use of ethnic names for procurers, e.g., Cappadox 
in Curc., Lycus in Poen., and for slaves e.g., Davus and Geta in Phorm., Lydus in 
Bacch., is realistic and has no special significance for our purpose. 

54 Suid. s.v. Μυκώνιος γείτων. . . καὶ ἑτέρα παροιμία" Μυκωνίων δίκην, etc. says: 
εἴρηται δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἀκλήτως εἰσιόντων εἰς TA συμπόσια. Thus Archilochus in Athen. 
74. Athen. loc. cit. says that the Myconians were slandered for stinginess and 
greed on account of their poverty and the barrenness of their island. See Apos- 
tol. XI 80. Cf. Zenob. II 19 and V 21 with notes. Cratinus 328—if indeed it is 
from comedy—harmonizes with the notion that the Myconians were very poor. 
Machon 2 line 11 makes an obscure reference to a Myconian. 

55 That baldness was more common among the people of Myconus than else- 
where is noted by various writers: Lucilius (Marx) 1211: Myconi calva omnis 
iuventus; Pliny N.H. XI 130: Myconi carentes eo (pilus) gignuntur; Strabo 10, 
487: τοὺς φαλακροὺς τινες Μυκονίους καλοῦσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ τὸ πάθος τοῦτο ἐπιχωριάζειν τῇ 
νήσῳ; Don. on Ter. Hec. 440: imperite Terentium de M yconio crispum dixisse aiunt, 
cum A pollodorus caluum dixerit, quod proprium M yconits est. 

6 Anonym. 919 on Chios; anonym. 902 on Scyros; anonym. 712 on Siphnos, 
on which cf. also anonym. 1142 σιφνιάζειν. 

The ὑπόθεσις of the play of Menander entitled Ἴμβριοι appears in the Oxyrhyn. 
Pap. X (1914) p. 86: two poor men living at Imbros married twin sisters. They 
worked diligently sharing the profits of their toil. There is no hint of satirizing 
the Imbrians, as might be expected from the comment of Photius: Ἴμβριοι" 
οἱ Tas δίκας ὑποφεύγοντες ἐπειδὴ ἐσκήπτοντο ἐν Ἴμβρῳ εἶναι. (δες. Stat. wrote δὴ Imbrit, 


(Ribbeck Comic. Rom. Frag.*) 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 43 


Macedonia: Meineke thinks that a boastful soldier of the Mace- 
donian army, or possibly Philip himself, is represented in Mnesi- 
machus 7 as boasting of the warlike character of the people.*’ In 
the Pseudolus 653, 54 the cacula militis Macedonici is treated by 
Pseudolus as likely to live up to his name. In 655 Harpax admits 
that he got his name from his custom hostis vivos rapere ex acie.*® 


ORIENTALS 


Egypt: ridicule of the Egyptians for animal worship is common. 
The ibis, the dog, and the cat are the theme of Timocles 1 in the 


Αἰγύπτιοι: 


πῶς ἂν μὲν οὖν σώσειεν ἶβις ἢ κύων ; 
ὅπου γὰρ εἰς τοὺς ὁμολογουμένους θεοὺς 
ἀσεβοῦντες οὐ διδόασιν εὐθέως δίκην, 


τίν᾽ αἰελούρου βωμὸς ἐπιτρίψειεν av ; 


Antiphanes 147 makes sport of the eel as ἃ subject for divine honors, 
placing it above the gods: 


τὰ τ᾽ ἄλλα δεινούς φασι τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους 
εἶναι τὸ νομίσαι τ᾽ ἰσόθεον τὴν ἔγχελυν" 
πολὺ τῶν θεῶν γάρ ἐστι τιμιωτέρα. 

τῶν μὲν γὰρ εὐξαμένοισιν ἐσθ᾽ ἡμῖν τυχεῖν, 
τούτων δὲ δραχμὰς τοὐλάχιστον δώδεκα 

ἢ πλέον ἀναλώσασιν ὀσφρέσθαι μόνον. 


οὕτως ἐσθ᾽ ἅγιον παντελῶς τὸ θηρίον. 


Anaxandrides 39 is a highly amusing passage giving the reasons why 
the Athenians cannot make an alliance with the Egyptians: their 
customs and their laws are widely different, the difference consisting 


87 Cf. Eustath. 1085, 47. 


58 The word play lessens the significance of the thrust against a Macedonian 
as such. Cf. the case of Acanthus supra p. 49. Yet it is in harmony with the 
characterization of another Macedonian viz. the miles himself in 1040, 41: alum 
dentatum virum Macedoniensem. 

In Antiph. 124 ll. 13-15 Philip does not live up to his promises; Menander 
924 is satire on Alexander’s great power. Both attacks, however, are individual, 
not national. 


659 The passage contains a play on the double sense of τίμιος as costly and 
honored. Fora similar word play cf. Aristoph. Ach. 758. 


60 Athen. 299 e ’Avrigavns ἐν Λύκωνι κωμῳδῶν τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους. 





44 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


chiefly in the divine consideration paid to the cow, the eel, the pig, 
the dog, the cat, and the field mouse. Besides, their priests are 
eunuchs.™ It isas follows: 


οὐκ ἂν δυναίμην συμμαχεῖν ὑμῖν eyo 
οὔθ᾽ οἱ τρόποι γὰρ ὁμονοοῦσ᾽ οὔθ᾽ οἱ νόμοι 
ἡμῶν, ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων δὲ διέχουσιν πολύ. 
“~~ “~ >. ᾿ ‘4 , at Lal 
βοῦν προσκυνεῖς, ἔγὼ δὲ θύω τοῖς θεοῖς" 
τὴν ἔγχελυν μέγιστον ἡγεῖ δαίμονα, 
ἡμεῖς δὲ τῶν ὄψων μέγιστον παρὰ πολύ. 
οὐκ ἐσθίεις ὕει᾽ ἔγὼ δέ γ᾽ ἥδομαι 
7 7 ° ; i a ’ , 
μάλιστα τούτοις" κύνα σέβεις, τύπτω δ᾽ ἔγώ, 
τοὔψον κατεσθίουσαν ἡνίκ᾽ ἂν λάβω. 
τοὺς ἱερέας ἐνθάδε μὲν ὁλοκλήρους νόμος 
εἶναι παρ᾽ ὑμῖν δ᾽, ὡς ἔοικ᾽, ἀπηργμένους. 
4 ᾿ ὃ 4 ia ΕΣ ψ."ν " 
τὸν αἰξλουρον κακὸν ἔχοντ᾽ ἐὰν ἴδῃς, 
κλάεις, ἔγὼ δ᾽ ἥδιστ᾽ ἀποκτείνας δέρω. 
δύναται παρ᾽ ὑμῖν μυγαλῆ, παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ δὲ γ᾽ οὐ. 


Anonymous 387: Λυδοὶ πονηροί, δεύτεροι δ᾽ Αἰγύπτιοι is a general 
thrust. The whole fragment has the appearance of a form which may 
be filled out with any particular names. Cratinus the Younger 2 
reads: ὡς σφόδρ᾽ elo’ Aiyurrimdes’ Dwxapns, Πααμύλης. 

Arabia: Stephanus of Byzantium s.v. ’ApaSia in connection with 
the proverb ᾿Αράβιος αὐλητής quotes the fragment (anonymous 268): 
δραχμῆς μὲν ηὔλει τεττάρων δ᾽ ἐπαύετο. He will play for a quarter but 
wants a dollar to stop.™ 


Phoenicia: anonymous 397: 


εὐθὺς Φοῖνιξ γίγνομαι 
τῇ μὲν δίδωμι χειρί, τῇ δὲ λαμβάνω, 


61 Cf. Eustath. 1183, 13. 


62 See Apos. X 100; Diogenianus VI 24. This may have been derived from a 
similar conventional expression in Phocylides 1: Λέριοι κακοί, οὐχ ὁ μέν, ds δ᾽ οὐ" / 
πάντες, πλὴν Προκλέους καὶ IlpoxXens Λέριος. 

68 A Latin translation of which is given by Kock: “quam valde hi omnes 
Aegyptiam originem redolent: Sochares, Paamyles.” Other references to the 
Egyptians occur in anonym. 181, Philemon 59. 


Information about animal worship in Egypt and its attendant superstitions 
is abundant outside of comedy. See Wiedemann Herodots Zweites Buch pp. 271 ff. 
Also see index s.v. Thiercult. 


64 See Zenobius II 58; Macarius II 37; Apostol. III 70, 71; VI 36 a; Greg. 
Cypr. 132. Cf. the Theban flute-players Ach. 862 ff. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 45 


is a comic description of the well known prominence of the Phoenicians 
as traders.“° The lexicographers interpret the proper adjective in 
anonymous 1293 Φοινικελίκτην καὶ λόγων ἀλαζόνα as meaning tricky.® 


Persia: in Antiphanes 172 the splendor of the Persian table is 
compared with the frugality of the Greeks: 
τί δ᾽ ἂν Ἕλληνες μικροτράπεζοι 


φυλλοτρῶγες δράσειαν ; ὅπου 
τέτταρα λήψει κρέα μίκρ᾽ ὀβολοῦ. 
παρὰ δ᾽ ἡμετέροις προγόνοισιν ὅλους 
ὀπτῶσιν βοῦς, ἐλάφους, ἄρνας" 

τὸ τελευταῖον δ᾽ ὁ μάγειρος ὅλον 
τέρας ὀπτήσας μεγάλῳ βασιλεῖ 
θερμὴν παρέθηκε κἀμηλον.5ἴ 


In Persa 707, 708 we read: 

Ita sunt Persarum mores: longa nomina 

contortiplicata habemus. 
This refers to the four lines 702—705, which is a collection of fictitious 
compounds given as the names of the fake-Persian. 

Syria: Menander satirizes the Syrians (fragment 544) for super- 
stitions regarding the eating of fish: 


παράδειγμα τοὺς Σύρους λαβέ. 
ὅταν φάγωσ᾽ ἰχθὺν ἐκεῖνοι, διά τινα 
αὐτῶν ἀκρασίαν τοὺς πόδας καὶ γαστέρα 
ἢ “ " i ’ ΄ ’ , 4 ε " 
οἰδοῦσιν, ἔλαβον σακίον, εἶτ᾽ εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν 
ἐκάθισαν αὑτοὺς ἐπὶ κόπρου, καὶ τὴν θεὸν 


ἐξιλάσαντο τῷ ταπεινοῦσθαι σφόδρα. 8 


66 It is preserved by the scholiast in Pindar, Pyth. II 125, where the Phoeni- 
cians are called παλιγκάπηλοι. 

66 Hesych. 5.0. Φοινικελίκτην καὶ λόγων ἀλαζόνα; Suid. Φοινικελίκτης. Cf. 
Hom. Od. 14, 288: δὴ τότε Φοῖνιξ ἦλθεν ἀνὴρ ἀπατήλια εἰδώς. 

Anonym. 423 refers to the Πάταικοι, Phoenician dieties of dwarfish shape 
whose images were used on the prows of Phoenician ships, Hdt. II 37. Gr. 
Hesych. s.v. Πάταικοι. 

6&7 Athen. 130 e ᾿Αντιφάνης ὁ κωμῳδιοποιὸς . . . διαπαίζων. Cf. Eustath. 
245, 24. Hdt. 1 133 says that at a certain religious festival the wealthy Persians 
roasted whole animals in their ovens, the ox, the horse, the camel, and the ass. 
Cf. Ar. Ach. 85-87. Hieron. Adversus Jov. ΤΙ 7 says that the Arabians, the Sara- 
cens, and all barbarians who dwell in deserts, live on the milk and flesh of camels. 

Menander 24 and 503 refer to elegant wearing apparel, drinking goblets, etc. 
among the Persians. 

68 Cf. Meineke Menandri et Philemonis Reliquiae p. 44, who quotes Xen. 
Anab. 1 4,9: the Syrians regard fish as gods and do not permit any harm to come 
to them. 





46 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Timocles 4 corroborates the evidence of Menander. The Jari, 
who are piscium avidissimi, according to Meineke III 592, are 
Syrians as compared with Hyperides, in the matter of eating fish, so 
much more favenous is Hyperides. 


OTHER BARBARIANS 


Thrace: according to Menander 1127 the Thracians have no 
regard for an oath: 


Θρᾷκες ὅρκι᾽ οὐκ ἐπίστανται. 


They are satirized for ἀκρασία in respect to marriage in Menander 
547, 48, where a man in Thrace who has but four or five wives is 
regarded as unmarried: 


πάντες μὲν οἱ Θρᾷκες, μάλιστα δ᾽ οἱ Γέται 
ἡμεῖς ἁπάντων (καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς εὔχομαι 
ἐκεῖθεν εἶναι τὸ γένος) οὐ σφόδρ᾽ ἔγκρατεῖς 
ἐσμέν 

΄“ 4 « “ > - > ‘ f ’ n 
γαμεῖ yap ἡμῶν οὐδὲ els εἰ μὴ δέκ᾽ ἢ 
΄ ΄“ ’ > Lal ’ ’ 
ἕνδεκα γυναῖκας, Swdex’ ἢ πλείους τινές. 
ἂν τέτταρας δ᾽ ἢ πέντε γεγαμηκὼς τις ἦ, 
καταστροφὴ γῆς, ἀνυμέναιος ἄθλιος, 


ἊΣ - ᾽ Se ~ Ἢ “ ᾽ “770 
αἀνυμφος OUTOS ἐπικαλεῖτ ἐν TOLS EKEL. 


Scythia: in Menander 533 the Scythian and the Ethiopian are 
mentioned as though they were usually held in contempt: 


ὃς ἂν εὖ γεγονὼς ἧ τῇ φύσει πρὸς τἀγαθά, 
κἂν Αἰθίοψ ἧ, μῆτερ, ἐστὶν εὐγενής. 


Σκύθης τις ὄλεθρος" ὁ δ᾽ ᾿Ανάχαρσις ov Σκύθης; 7" 


69 On which Macarius IV 70’says: ἐπὶ τῶν τοῖς ὁρκοῖς οὐκ ἐμμενόντων ; Diogen. 
V 25: ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνόμων; so also Apostol. VIII 91 i. Cf. Zenob. IV 32; 
Frag. Hist. Graec. 1V 204, 448. Mein. thinks that the historian Menander and not 
the comic poet is the author, Menandri et Philemonis Reliquiae p. 60. 

70 Sex. Empiricus Hypot. III 213 says that among the Thracians each man 
marries many wives. Heraclides de Polit. XXVIII says; γαμεῖ ἕκαστος τρεῖς καὶ 
τέσσαρας, εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα, καὶ ὡς θεραπαίναις χρῶνται. καὶ ἐκ περιουσίας οἱ γάμοι 
καὶ ἐκ περιόδου σύνεισιν αὐταῖς, καὶ λούει καὶ διακόνει. Οἱ. Hdt. IV 104; V 6. 
Menander 828: Θρᾷξ εὐγενὴς εἶ, πρὸς ἅλας ἠγορασμένος is a hit at a particular 
Thracian who is salt-purchased, i.e. a slave, and hence scarcely εὐγενής. He is not 
attacked as a foreigner. 

τι For alikeattitude toward Dacian and Ethiopian cf. Horace Odes III 6, 14. 
Antiph. 159 expresses approval of the Scythian method of bringing up children. 
Antiph. 56 says that the man who marries is unfortunate except among the 
Scythians. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 47 


Phrygia: the charge of cowardice” is insinuated against the Phry- 
gians in Apollodorus 6: 


ob πανταχοῦ Ppvé εἰμι: τοῦ ζῆν ἣν ὁρῶ 
κρεῖττον τὸ μὴ ζῆν, χρήσομαι τῷ κρείττονι. 


Lydia: without qualification the Lydians are called πονηροί in 
anonymous 387. The epithet πολύχρυσοι is given them in Nicolaus 1. 
Anonymous 720 reads: Λυδὸς ἐν μεσημβρίᾳ, to which ancient authori- 
ties ascribe a licentious meaning.” 

Caria: in anonymous 387 the Lydians are called bad, the Egyp- 
tians worse, the Carians are said to be the most abominable of all 
men (éwdéoraror).” 

Sardis: the people of Sardis are devoted to perfume, Alexis 68: 
del φιλόμυρον πᾶν TO Σάρδεων γένος. 

Ρορέις:15 plays entitled Ποντικός were written by Alexis, Anti- 
phanes, Epigenes, and Timocles. Although almost nothing’ sur- 
vives of any of them, yet the existence of four plays by that name 


12 Tertullian de Anima 20 says: comici Phrygas timidos inludunt. Mein. 
(IV 653) suspects that the expression δειλότερον δὲ λαγὼ Φρυγός, preserved in 
Strabo I 36, is from comedy. Nicolaus 1 lines 10, 11 seems to be a hit at the same 
failing. Cf. Verg. A. xii 99; Eurip. Alcestis 675; Orestes 1447; Athen. 624 b ff. 


73 Apostol. X 100; Diogen. VI 24. Eustath. on Dionys. Perieg. 839 says that 
the Lydians are charged with πονηρία, from which fact arose the proverb Avéoi 
πονηροί, etc. He says that all the Lydian women were given to vice. 


74 Photius says on Λυδὸς ἐν μεσημβρίᾳ παίζει" ἐπὶ τῶν ἀκολάστων ws ταύταις ταῖς 
ὥραις ἀκολασταινόντων. Suid. says further: οἱ γὰρ Λυδοὲ κωμῳδοῦνται ταῖς χερσὶν 
αὑτῶν πληροῦντες τὰ ἀφροδίσια. See the proverb collections of Apost. Χ 82; 
Greg. Cypr. L. II 63; Diogen. II 18; Plut. II 3; also Hesych. 5.0. Λυδὸς ἐν μεσημβρίᾳ 
παίζει. A play entitled Λυδός was written by Antiph., a Λυδοί by Magnes. 

The degeneracy of the Lydians is spoken of in Hdt. I 155 ff. and in Athen. 
515 d ff. Athen. 690 b says: διαβόητοι ἐπὶ ἡδυπαθείᾳ οἱ Λυδοί. Cf. Eurip. Alcestis 


7% Antiph. 113, in a play entitled Κᾶρες, makes fun of some celebrated philo- 
sopher for moving his hands in pantomimic gesture when expounding his philoso- 
phy. Itis probably an attack upon him asa philosopher rather than as a foreigner 
if indeed he is a foreigner. Philemon 18 and anonym. 548 refer to the Carian as 
slave and not as foreigner. Anonym. 556 is not pertinent. 


76 The relations between Athens and Pontus had fora long time been intimate: 
cf. Ferguson Hellenistic Athens pp. 437 ff.; Reinach Mithridate Eupaior p. 138. 


77 One fragment of each: Antiph. 192, Alexis 193, Epigenes 7, Timocles 28. 
As a context is lacking in each case, it is impossible to make inferences. 





48 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


and the statements of other writers’ that ridicule was made of the 
people from the Pontic coast, make it highly probable that the 
comedians had a part in it.” 


ROMAN MATERIAL 


Praeneste: Bacchides 12 makes fun of the boastfulness of the 
Praenestini: Praenestinum opino esse, tia erat gloriosus. Naevius 
Ariolus ΤΙ makes fun of the food which the people of Praeneste and of 


Lanuvium eat: 

Quis hert apud te?—Praenestini et Lanuvini hos pites— 

Suopte utrosque decuit acceptos cibo, 

Altris inanem volvulam madidam dart, 

Altris nuces in proclivi profundier.*° 
In 881-83 of the Captivi the parasite Ergasilus swears by five Italian 
cities, Praeneste, Cora, Signia, Frusino, Alatrium, all of them in 
Latium. Quid tu per barbaricas™ urbes iuras? says Hegio. To which 
the parasite replies: quia enim item asperae sunt ut tuom victum 
autumabas esse.* 


78 Athen. 351 c: τοὺς δὲ Ποντικοὺς ἐκ τοῦ πολλοῦ ἥκειν πόντου, ὥσπερ ἐκ τοῦ 
ὀλέθρου. Diog. Laert. VI. I 3 writes to this effect: when a youth from Pontus 
asked what he would need in order to attend lectures (presumably at Athens) 
he was told that he would need, among other things, a new mind. 

79 A large number of ethnic titles of Greek comedies such as Ποντικός has been 
handed down. For alist of them consult the index of plays Kock III pp. 689 ff. Of 
Latin plays which take their titles from Greek plays the Andria is certainly 
from Menander’s ᾿Ανδρία, cf. Andria 9 ff.; the Poenulus takes its name from the 
Καρχηδόνιος, Poen. 53. Whether the latter is a play of Menander or not is uncer- 
tain, cf. Leo Pl. Forsch.? pp.170 ff., Schanz Gesch. der rim. Litteratur 3rd ed. I p. 87. 
Among the fragments of Roman comedy also there is a number of ethnic titles, 
e.g. Imbrii, Lemniae, Galli Transalpini. For a full list see index of plays, Rib- 
beck Comic. Rom. Frag.’ pp. 388 ff. The numerous plays with such titles would at 
least afford ample opportunity for making fun of the foreigner. 

80 Macrobius Sat. III 18, 5 says: mux haec Abellana seu Praenestina . 
inde scilicet Praenestinae nuces, after which he quotes this passage. On Praenes- 
tine nuts see Pliny N.H. XVII 13, 96; Cato de Re Rustica 51; Festus 172: nuculas 
Praenestinos. 

81 For Plautus’ use of barbaricus, barbarus see supra p. 10. 

8 These thrusts, as well as those against the dialect of Praeneste, Trin- 
609, Truc. 690, 91, would be popular at Rome in view of the refusal of the citizens 
of Praeneste, in 216 B.C., to exchange their own citizenship for that of Rome 
when the Romans made the offer, Livy XXIII 20, 2. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 49 


Campania: In Trinummus 545, 46 the Campanians far surpass 
the Syrians in patience,* though the latter are called in 542 the most 
patient of men. Poenulus 266 contains the word alicarias, on which 
word Festus p. 7 says: meretrices appellabantur in Campania solitae 
ante pistrina alicariorum versart quaestus gratia, sicut hae, quae ante 
stabula sedebant, dicebaniur prostibula. | 

A pulia : Casina 71-77 is obviously from the Roman point of view 
for Apulia and Carthage are there associated with Greece. The 
custom of having slave marriages on a more elaborate scale than those 
of citizens and propensity to drink are the objects of the attack. 
Apulia had become to a considerable extent Hellenized,™“ owing to 
the fact that there were Greek cities within its borders. This fact 
assists in the understanding of Miles 648: post Ephesi sum natus, 


non enim in Apulis; non sum Animula. Plautus uses Animula 
} λ oe : cp 1 γ΄ ~ 4 » Ὁ vay , “4 “4 Ἃ Σ 
because it was urbs parvarum opum in Apulia, Festus p. 25. The 


point of the thrust appears from Ussing’s note: Ephest se natum 
dicit, inter Graecos omni humanitate excultos, non inter A pulos rusticos 
j Tl +1 =) > ς “ ~ ad om r ~ Ἢ " τὰ Φ : 1." ἶ 
While the sarcasm is, on the face of it, Greek, the indirect thrust 
from the Roman point of view is more significant. 

Etruria: Cistellaria 562, 63 charges the Etruscans with an evil 
practice: zon enim hic ubi ex Tusco modo tute tibt indigne dotem 
guaeras corpore.* 


83 The Syrians were noted for their endurance as litter carriers at Rome, Juv 
VI 351; Martial IX 2, 11; 22,9. The Campanians had thrown in their lot with 
Hannibal after Cannae, but in 211 Capua was recovered, Livy XXVI 11. The 
severe punishment inflicted upon its people, Livy XXVI 13 ff., broke their spirits 
80 that twenty years later when the Trinummus was exhibited (see Schanz 
Gesch. der rim. Lit. 3rd ed. I p. 92) they might be called a race of surpassing 
patience. Cf. Brix-Niemeyer on 545, 46. 


84 Cf, Mommsen Rom. Hist. II 89 ff., III 109; Brix-Niemeyer on Miles 648. 


86 Athenaeus 517 d ff. speaks at some length of the base customs of the 
Etruscans in this regard. Cur. 482: in Tusco vico ibi sunt homines qui ipsi sese 
venditant is merely a realistic Roman touch of the playwright, though it is an 
interesting coincidence that the street in Rome called Tuscus was known for the 
practices for which the Etruscans were notorious. Other hits at Italian towns are 
found in Most. 770 on Sarsina in Umbria, which was Plautus’ birthplace; and 
Capt. 160 ff. on Pistoria, Placentum, the Turdetani (in southern Spain). All of 
them are word plays. 





50 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Massilia: Casina 963: ubi tu es, gui colere mores Massilienses 
postulas, must, from the context, be an attack upon the wantonness 


of the people of Massilia.® 
Carthage: naturally the Carthaginians occupy the most prominent 
place among those who are foreigners from the Roman standpoint. 


Vet there is little which ascribes to them definite charactertistics. 
They are the well hated enemy of the Romans, whom the latter would 
like to see defeated and punished, in Cistellaria 202: ut vobis victt Poentr 
poenas sufferant.®’ Poenus plane est, Poenulus 113, has the same 
implication as Punica fides, the characteristic trait of the Cartha- 
ginians in Roman eyes.88 Bisulci lingua in 1034 is a thrust at the 
treachery of the Carthaginians. Hanno’s character as drawn by 
Plautus.in the Poenulus does not appear in an unfavorable light, 
though he is treated with scorn by the soldier and with impudence by 
the slave before his identity is known.*® 


86 In agreement with this are Athen. 523 c: Μασσαλιῶται ἐθηλύνθησαν" . - 
ἀσχημονοῦσι γοῦν διὰ τὴν ἐν ταῖς ψυχαῖς μ αλακίαν καὶ τρυφὴν γυναικοπαθοῦντες. ὅθεν καὶ 
παροιμία παρῆλθεν. πλεύσειας εἰς Μασσαλίαν; Suid. s.v. ἐκ Μασσαλίας ἥκεις; Plut. 
Proverb.1 60; Apostol. VI 69. On-the other hand Strabo IV 181 praises their 
σωφροσύνη ; likewise Val. Max. II 7. Briickner Hist. Reipublicae Massiliensium 
follows Strabo and Val. Max., apparently interpreting the passages in the Cas. as 
‘ronical. The wealth and commercial prosperity of Massilia at the time when 
Plautus wrote would lend favor to the former view. Ussing on Cas. 885, Legrand 
Daos p.71 n. 10 take this view. 

87 This fixes the date of the composition of the Cist. as prior to the end of the 
second Punic war. 

88 Heinze Vergils Epische Technique p. 268 says: von den Tyrii bilingues 
fiirchtet Venus Gefahr fiir Aeneas (I 661): das ist die rémische konventionelle 
Auffassung der Karthager, fiir die freilich die Handlungsweise Didos und der 
thren keinerlei Bestitigung bringt. Legrand Daos p./1 n. 10 says that references 
to Carthage in Plautus are certainly the invention of the Roman poet. 

89 Pultiphagus barbarus Most. 828 is thought by most editors to refer to the 
Romans, as barbarus usually does in Plaut. This interpretation is strengthened 
by Pliny NV. H. 18, 83: pultie, non pane, vixisse longo tempore Romanos; Varro 
Ling. Lai. V 105: de victu antiquissima puls. Lorenz, Sonnenschein, Ramsay, 
among editors, favor this view; also Duff Literary History of Rome p. 174. Ussing 
ad loc. believes it refers to Carthaginians, and compares pultiphagonides in Poen. 
54. The uncertainty of the meaning in the latter passage causes difficulty. Cf. 
Lambinus, Ritschl, Ussing, Leo ad loc. In Poen. 524 interfectis hostibus is 
probably a reference to the defeat of the Carthaginians. 

Among the fragments of Plaut. incert. XLIX contains the words casirum 


Poenorum; and dubia et suspecia XII contains the three names Hannibalem, 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


It may fairly be assumed, on the basis of the foregoing evidence, 
that so far as authentic material on contemporary bhetiey is εὐνῆς. 
the strictures of the Hellenistic comedians had some foundation a 
fact. Obviously there is much exaggeration; but a statement usually 
reflects, if not a fact, at any rate an attitude which is fairly well 
attested in extracomic literature. The validity of this conclusion is 
inc pei by the fact that the foreign powers to whom most frequent 
allusion is made in comedy, e.g. the Spartans, the Boeotians, the 
Egyptians, are the very ones regarding whom there is the most ‘itt 
plete information from other sources in harmony with the references 
The wide variety of satiric thrusts moreover tends to show that the 
playwright aimed at realistic representation of foreign character 

Most of the material has an unfavorable cdthnetakton indication 
a range in attitude from that of mild banter to that és the et 
severe contempt and even of real hostility. The latter is very an 
re αο τ perhaps in the thrusts at Punica fides in Poenulus 113 nin 

34. Licentiousness among the Corinthians, αὶ y 
Boeotians, animal worship is Bevet ni ea oe το, am 
tess im gypt, frugality at Sparta, are repeated 
objects of satiric attack, the purpose of which could have been none 
other than to indulge the contemptuous feelings of an Athenian 
audience for such customs. 7 i 


Residents of the city of Boston are known as bean-eaters to every 


schoc A 7 ric i 
ool boy in America. Such an epithet possesses no particularly 


derogatory signification. It might be regarded as a convenient term 
‘ express the antithesis of dignity and culture which are usually 
thought of as characteristic of that city. Yet it is coemnenly used 
without thought of any significance which it formerly possessed. ἔμ. 
ary tradition will doubtless preserve the expression for ages to come. 
Somewhat analogous to this among the Greeks is the “hald-headed 
Myconian”’ who recurs in literature all down the line. Other 6 
verbial expressions, e.g » Be 


< 


ee ie Β ~ . “ὦ , 
g., “the table of the Sybarites,”’ “every man 
cannot sail to Corintl 


)) (( or uN yaks ae 
‘the Arabi 1,” “an Argive theft,’’ ““Laconian brevity,” 
Uf ae ἢ εἰ Ὶ 
δ. rabian flute player that will not cease,” were probably more or 
less literary, and suggested little if any real attitude. The bulk of such 


material is not large. 





Hasdrubale ; ΕΝ , 

Pr alem, Hamilcar m. Other references to foreigners from the Roman point 
) Υ̓ ew ~ O00. " ~* 

play (cf pend pa seit et nunc Siculus non est, Boius est. boiam terit, a word 
rem sec erodas V 61 with Nairn’s note); Dec. Lab. Fullo II; Caeculi; Titinius 
incert. XVIII a. 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Aristotle in the Poetics 1449 ἃ Ὁ advances the theory that comedy 
was an issue of early iambic poetry, both of them having a large 
satirical element.°° The more plausible this theory is, the less signi- 
ficant, as a basis on which to judge attitudes, are the expressions 
preserved in comedy. They become mere literary commonplace. 
In Archilochus are to be found thrusts at unfortunate Thasos,”? 
at the sensuality of the Thracian and Phrygian,” at the φιληδονία 
and ἀκρασία of a certain Corinthian,“ at the strange customs of 
Massilia.*%* In like manner Hipponax satirizes the Phrygians,” 
Chios,% Lampsacus,*’ the Lydians.°* The Mysians are the butt in 
Simonides.2® Phocylides says that the Lerians are all knaves.’”” 
An early poet, probably Epimenides,” quoted with approval by 
St. Paul in Titus I 12, brands the Cretans as liars, vile beasts, idle 
gourmands. Xenarchus, a writer of mimes of the time of New Come- 
dy, may be mentioned here. He satirized the people of Rhegium as 
cowards. Much of the foregoing is distinctly analogous to the 
literary commonplace of comedy, and may, in a measure, support 


Aristotle’s contention.!” 


90 For a general study of the satirical element in Greek literature see Geff- 
cken “Studien zur griechischen Satire’ Neue Jahrb. fiir das Klass. Alt. 27 (1911) 
pp. 393 ff. and 469 ff. 

1 Bergk Poetae Lyrict Graeci II Archilochus 20, 52, 109. 

% Bergk Archil. 32. 

9 Bergk Archil. 145. 

94 Bergk Archil. 148. 

% Bergk Hipponax 46, 97. 

96 Bergk Hipponax 74. 

97 Bergk Hipponax 35. 

98 Bergk Hipponax 91. 

99 Bergk Simonides 35. 

100 Bergk Phocylides 1. 

101 For evidence as to the identity of the author quoted see Diels Fragmenta 

der Vorsokratiker 3rd ed. II pp. 188, 89. 

102 According to Photius s.v. Ῥηγίνους. Suid. s.v. Ῥηγίνους mentions a proverb 
Ῥηγίνου δειλότερος with the comment: ἐπὲ τῶν καθ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν δειλῶν. Cf. Hesych. 
s.v. ‘Pnytvos. 

103 Bywater Aristotle's Poetics p. 144 comments as follows: “The ‘iambic 


form’ of Comedy is the Old Comedy, which, from the personal nature of its satire, 
was only one remove from the Gnvective’ of Archilochus and the Iambographers.” 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


On the other hand a world of fervent feeling found vent in invec- 
tive against the Germans as barbarians during the recent war. The 
attitude was induced by contemporary events, and is quite distinct 
from such allusions as that to the Bostonian. In like manner Halen: 
istic comedy abundantly reflects the genuine feelings of Athens 
whether of unfriendliness or of contempt and proud ὐδεοιεεν. 
partly due to her hostile relations with other Greek states and bee: 
barian powers, and partly to an entirely legitimate sense of her 
superior civilization. We must, of course, continually remind 
ourselves that the Greek evidence consists solely of fragments. The 
relative amount of literary and commonplace allusion to the foreigner 
on the one hand, and of significant material reflecting ebtlne aith- 
tude, on the other, may misrepresent the truth. Soconver it is not 
unlikely that the Roman adaptations failed to preserve fully this 
element of their Greek originals, since much of it would be of no 
special interest to the Romans. Where an active réle does occur in 8 
coman play as Hanno in the Poenulus—a réle which, as being Cartha- 
cinian, would interest the Romans even more than the en ὡν 
have a far better opportunity to observe attitude than in isolated 


incidental references to racial vices in the Greek fragments 





CHAPTER IV 


THE COSTUME OF THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


While material relating to the dress of the foreigner is very 
meager in comedy of this period, it is sufficient to give some idea of 
the playwrights’ intentions. Obviously only the use of individual 
foreigners in active rdles involves description of their costume, and 
for evidence of such characters we are dependent on the Roman plays. 
Itis possible, however, to detect in some cases an intention to individ- 
ualize, in external appearance, the foreigner as such, and it 15 inter- 
esting to observe such evidence as there may be of attempts to 
caricature particularly the non-Greek barbarian, and of a tendency to 
conventionalize the costume of the outsider as a traveller, if not asa 
foreigner. 

In the Pseudolus the mock-foreigner Simia, the pseudo-Harpax, 
who counterfeits the cacula militis from Macedonia, is provided with 
chlamvys, machaera, petasus (735), and manuleata tunica (738). He 
τῷ chlamydatus (963, 1101, 1139, 1143). The cenuine Harpax has the 
same features, chlamys (1184), machaera (1185), petasus (1186), 
with the exception of the long tunic. Collybiscus, the mock-foreigner 
ἢ the Poenulus, is chlamydatus (620, 644). Han no! in the same play 
‘s avis . . . cum tunicis (975); the main part of his attire is called 
the tunicae longae (1298) and the tunicae demissiciae (1303). In 
1048 it is ἃ matter of surprise that he does not wear the zona. Sagaris- 
tio, the mock-Persian in the Persa, is attired in the tunica, zona, 
chlamvs, causea (155). The virgo in the same play wears the tiara’ 


(463) and the crepidula (464). It is said of the sycophant in Trimum- 

gs 7 ; pct? 6 ite ς "σὴ Ὧν trhict Issing 
mus 851: fungino generest: capile se totum tegit, by which Ussing 
understands that he wears the pelasus, Brix-Niemeyer the causea, 


r ~ 1; Far ~ > 
Lambinus the one or the other. There was not much difference 


1 On his costume see Miss Saunders Costume in Roman Comedy pp. 133, 34. 
This work discusses the costume of all the characters, both the stock-réles and the 


unusual réles, in Roman comedy. 


2 The Greek word for the same article occurs in Antiph. 36. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


between them.* The sagum was worn by a Gaul, judging from the 
expression in Afranius, Gallum sagatum.* 

Most of the articles above mentioned are obviously not confined to 
foreigners in actual life, but are articles of dress at Athens, if not in 
every-day life, at least worn on occasion. The chlamys was originally 
a Thessalian or Macedonian garment, afterwards the regular dress 
of the Athenian ephebi.6 The crepidula, diminutive of crepida, was 
a kind of sandal, an essential part of the national costume of the 
Greeks, and at Rome regarded as foreign.6 The machaera was a 
short sword.? The zona, as used in Plautus, was a money belt.® 
The petasus was a hat with a broad brim, of Thessalian or Macedonian 
origin, like the chlamys, commonly worn by the ephebi.° It was 
worn on journeys and differed little from the causea..° The causea 
had a somewhat higher crown than the petasus and was flat at the 
top. It was used particularly by the Macedonians and the neighbor- 
ing peoples, being a feature of the national costume of the Mace- 
donians." The fiara was an Oriental head-dress, known to the Greeks 
as Persian. The long-sleeved tunic (manuleata), and the tunic 


7 


reaching to the ankles (demissae, demissiciae), are regularly regarded 


3 Hermann Lehrbuch der griech. Privatalterthiimer revised by Bliimner, p. 180. 
4 Afranius 283. It was an original Gallic garment, see Bliimner Dre 
rémische Privataltertiimer pp. 216 ff. 


ὅ Hermann-Bliimner Privatalterthiimer pp. , 78. See also Darem. et 
7 


Sag. Dict. des Ant. s.v. chlamys; Becker Charicles vol. p. 
Realenc. s.v. χλαμύς. 
6 Pottier in Darem. et Sag. s.v. crepida; Becker Gallus III 228. Cf. Hermann- 
Bliimner Privatalterthiimer p. 180; Bliimner Die rémische Privataltertimer p. 223. 
7 Saglio in Darem. et Sag. 5. Ὁ. machaera. 


19; Pauly-Wissowa 


8 Pauly’s Real-Encyclopddte s.v. zona, p. 

9 Becker Charicles III 263. Hesych. says: méragos, τὸ τῶν ἐφήβων φόρημα. 
Cf. also Pollux X 264. 

10 Hermann-Bliimner Privatalt. p. 180. Pierre Paris in Dar: et Sag. 5.0. peta- 
sus says that the Greeks were not accustomed to wear anything on their heads 
except when going on a journey or when exposed to the heat of the sun; though 
the lower classes made more general use of protection for their heads. 

i Becker Charicles III 264. 

12 Leon Heuzey in Dar. et Sag. s.v. causia. Pollux X 162 says: ἡ δὲ καυσία 
πῖλος, Μακεδονικὸς παρὰ Μενάνδρῳ, ὡς τιάρα ἹΠερσικός. 

a ee : , : . ἐν calls Ξ ,᾽ 

13 Smith Dict. Antig. s.v. tiara gives the evidence for its being Persian. Pauly’s 
Real-Ency. s.v. tiara calls it an Oriental head-dress. 





56 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


as effeminate and as a sign of degeneracy.“ The long tunic, while 
not characteristic of any single foreign nationality, appears in Roman 
comedy to be reserved for non-Greek barbarians.” 

The costume of several foreigners who come from specific countries 
᾿ς described. Can the features be considered characteristic of the 
respective localities or does the dramatist not discriminate? Of the 
chlamys, machaera, and petasus in Pseudolus 735, and the manuleata 
tunica in 738, no one could be considered distinctive of Macedonia. 


14 On the χιτὼν χειριδωτός (of which tunica manuleata is a translation) Her- 
mann-Bliimner Privatalt. p. 173 says that as a rule the sleeves were worn short 
and were only worn long by the effeminate. See also loc. cit., note 3. Cf. Bliimner 
Die rémrische Privataltertiimer p. 207. 

Evidence of the Greek attitude toward the Greek garment is, of course, one 
thing, that of the Roman attitude toward the Roman garment quite another, 
though they appear to coincide. It is chiefly Roman evidence that is in point 
here. 

The most important passage is found in Aulus Gellius VI (VII) 12: tunicts 
uti virum prolixis ultra bracchia et usque in primores manus ac prope in digttos 
Romae atque in omni Latio indecorum fuit. Eas tunicas Graeco vocabulo nostri 
‘chiridotas’ appellaverunt feminisque solis vestem longe lateque diffusam indecere 
existimaverunt ad ulnos cruraque adversus oculos protegenda ... P. Africanus 

ΟΡ. Sulpicio Gallo homini delicato, inter pleraque alia, quae obiectabat, id 
quoque probro dedit, quod tunicis uteretur manus totas opperientibus. He gives the 
words of Scipio to Gallus, in which the long tunic appears in a highly unfavorable 
light. Cf. Cic. Verr. 13, 31: iste cum palleo purpurco talarique tunica versaretur in 
conviviis muliebribus; Cat. II 10, 22: manicatis et talaribus tunicis; in Clod. et Cur. 
fragm. 22 manicatam tunicam ; Hor. Sat. I 2, 25: Maltinus tunicis demissis ambu- 
lat; Prop. IV 2, 38: mundus demissis institor in tunicis; Suet. Calig. 52: manulea- 
tus οἱ armilatus in publicum processit; Calig. 54: tunica talari prosiluit; Caes. 
45: lato clavo ad manus fimbriato, of which, however, the text has been questioned; 
Aug. 94, 10: tunica ex ulraque parte ad pedes decidit; Verg. Aen. IX 610: 
et tunicae manicas et habent redimicula mitrae; in all of which cases the garment is 
a sign of effeminacy. St. Augustine de doctr. III 2, 20 says: talares et manica- 
tas habere apud Romanos veteres flagitium erat; nunc autem honesto loco natis cum 
tunicati sunt non eas habere flagitium est. Both Aulus Gellius VI (VII) 12 and 
Non. Marc. 536 M. quote Ennius Ann. 234 (Miiller) as having mentioned the 
tunicata iuventus of the Carthaginians not without reproach. This is significant 
in connection with the tunic of Hanno in the Poen. 

16 A fragm. of Afranius 133, 34, is as follows: Meretrix cum veste longa? — 
Peregrino in loco / Solent tutandi causa sese sumere; and Varro Sat. 302, 
Buecheler—Heraeus, reads: cum etiam Thats Menandri tunicam demissam 
habeat ad talos. Yet Nonius 541, 10 says: meretrices apud veteres subcinctiore 
veste utebantur. It would appear that usually the courtesan was a foreigner, 

in which case she wore the long tunic. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Though Pseudolus recognizes Harpax as Macedonian (videre inde 
esse 622) he does so from the fact that Harpax was a stranger and 
was making for Ballio’s house at the time when a Macedonian was 
expected rather than because of his Macedonian dress, as is implied 
in 622, 23, haec dies praestitutast. Collybiscus, the mock-foreigner in 
the Poenulus, is chlamydatus; Charinus in the Mercator about to set 
out on a journey has need of the chlamys (912,921). Τί 15 ἃ customary 
garment of the traveller. It is worn by Menaechmus of Epidamnus 
in Menaechmi 658. The soldier, who is called a Rhodian in Epidicus 
300, wears a chlamys in 436. The machaera is a common equipment 
of the soldier (Miles 459, Curculio 574). The petasus is not men- 
tioned elsewhere in Plautus except in the Amphiiruo (143, 145, 443), 
being worn by the slave Sosia and by Mercury, his double, in the réle 
of messenger. The long tunic appears conspicuously in the Poenulus 
(1298, 1303). Thus none of the four articles mentioned are specifi- 
cally Macedonian. Only one garment, the long tunic, is mentioned 
in connection with the Carthaginian Hanno in the Poenulus, and it is 
seen from the previous discussion that it is not distinctively Punic.” 
No article is mentioned in the sycophant’s costume in the Trinum MUS, 
but 858 perhaps justifies the inference that he had on the causea, 
since he is called Illyrian (852); the Illyrians lived near Macedonia, 
where the causea was a part of the national costume. But even this 


is a feature of the sailor’s costume in Miles 1178 and of the mock- 
δ τον nee cc T is: Zan ee ὋΝ : j 
Persian’s in Persa 155. No reason 15 incicated > Charmides should 
recognize the sycophant as Illyrian. The mock-Persian in Persa 


155 wears the chlamvs and causea, which have already been discussed 


He also has the tunic, which is one of the most distin 


an, ΤΕΣ ΝΣ. See see +. eR ΟΝ etd ἫΝ ᾿ 
Greek dress, and the zona. In Mercator 925 Charinus 

1 τ 
i 


= . Ξ ἌΝ ‘ ae . . " > ) 9 ~ 
sona when he decides not to go abroad; in Poenulus 1008 Milph 
calls attention to the fact that Hanno has come to Calydon without 
his zona; the procurer Cappadox wears a sona in Curculto 220. Hence 


it cannot be a distinctively Persian feature. In the costume of the 


16 Ussing says, however: tunicis autem longis quidem (v. 1301), sine pallio 
utebantur Carthaginienses. He appears to base his opinion on the passage in the 
Poen., which does not warrant such a conclusion. Knapp Class. Phil. Il 297 says 
that Hanno’s costume is manifestly distinctive, that it is recognized at once as 
Punic by Milphio and Agorastocles (977) and as African by the miles (1304). 
Legrand Daos p. 69 says that Hanno is distinguished first by his complexion and 
his costume, then by his talk. 





58 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


mock-Persian virgo (Persa 463, 64) we find two articles not mentioned 
elsewhere, the crepidula and the tiara. The former, as has been said 
above, was a part of the national Greek dress, though it was foreign 
to the Romans. The latter was strictly Oriental in Greek eyes. 
Nothing specific is said of the ornamenta mentioned in Curculio 464, 
which were obtained from the choragus by the parasite to fit him out 
as a cacula militis of Caria. A Gaul is clad in a sagwm in Afranius 
Prosa 11,1. 283.17 But the sagum was the customary military cloak 
at Rome. It could not have been characteristic of the Gauls. From 
the foregoing discussion it is seen that the only feature peculiar to a 
specific locality is the Persian tiara.'® 

There is a number of passages in which foreign dress is suggested 
without reference to particular locality. In Epidicus 533 Periphanes 
says: quis illaec est mulier . . . peregre adveniens. As Knapp 
remarks,!® the woman had said nothing to indicate that she was a 
peregrina. Could he tell from her dress? In Persa 157 Sagaristio is 
to take a part quasi sit peregrinus. The virgo is to be adorned in 
peregrinum modum (158). Poenulus 175 reads: dicatque se peregrinum 
esse ex alio oppido; and 600: sed ita adsimulatote quasi ego sim pere- 
grinus; Trinummus 100: quasi sit peregrinus; 767: 1s homo exornetur 
graphice in peregrinum modum; 841: cum novo ornatu specieque, 
where novo means strange to the speaker, i.e.foreign. The very fact 
that Plautus introduces natives as mock-foreigners supports the 
notion that natives and foreigners were recognized by their difference 
in costume, as well as that foreigners were not to any extent dis- 
criminated one from another. Ignota facies in Trinummus 768 would 
indicate that it was necessary only for the impostor to be unknown, 
not that he have different physical features. As masks were not 
used in Plautus’ day, costume alone would mark him. When it is 
further considered that no features of dress belong exclusively to the 
particular nationality to whom they are assigned, with the exception 
of the fiara of the Persian virgo, the conclusion of the above discussion 


17 Ribbeck Com. Rom. Fragmenta.’ 


18 Yet Ussing has both Sagaristio and the virgo attired in the Persian fashion, 
commentary on Persa 461: exit Sagaristio Persarum in modum ornatus cum 
puella non minus peregrino more vestita. But, except for the tiara of the maiden, 
there is no justification for the statement in the description of their costume. 


19 Class. Phil. 11 297, 98. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 59 


is that modus peregrinus refers to dress and that the latter is to a 
large extent conventionalized. 

It has been seen that the miles, the mercator, and others who 
travel, in the main wear the same garments as does the foreigner. 
Though there is considerable evidence in Plautus and Terence of 
travel for some specific purpose, business, war, etc., there is little 
indication that travel causa animi was common.”® A miles was 
thought of as a mercenary soldier, not as a traveller; a mercator was 
associated with his business. The traveller per se had no.independent 
existence, at least in the minds of the comedians. No Greek or Latin 
word was in use during Hellenistic times for traveller in the modern 
sense. It would appear then that the conception of foreigner in 
New Comedy in large measure embraced that of traveller. This 
would explain why the foreigner’s costume and that of the traveller 
mainly coincide. 

Further evidence for the conventionality of foreign dress is found in 
the passages relating to the choragus.2! Trinummus 765-67 is as follows: 
homo conducatur aliquis / quasi sit peregrinus is homo exornetur 
graphice in peregrinum modum. In 840 he is described as cum novo 
ornatu specieque; and in 851, 52 he appears to be of the Illyrian variety 
in his hired costume. Finally in 858 he states that the ornamenta 
have come from the choragus. In Pseudolus 964 Simia, the pseudo- 
Harpax, is said to look like a foreigner (peregrina facies). In 1184-86 
Ballio and Simio ask the genuine Harpax for how much he had rented 
the chlamys, machaera, and petasus. The passage is as much to the 
point as though the questions had been directed to the pseudo- 
Harpax. In Persa 154-57 Saturio is instructed to obtain tunica, 
zona, chlamys, and causea, quasi sit peregrinus, and to equip his 


daughter in peregrinum modum (158). When he asks where the 
equipment can be obtained the answer is 159, 60: aps chorago sumito, 


/ dare debet: praebenda aediles locaverunt. The choragus says in 
Curculio 464: ornamenta quae locavi metuo ut possim recipere. These 
passages prove conclusively not only that foreign dress was an acknow- 
ledged part of the stage wardrobe, but that all foreigners received 
practically the same dress. 


20 Knapp Class. Phil. II pp. 1-24, 281-304 gives a full discussion of the 
evidence in Roman comedy for travel in ancient times. 

21 Capt. 61 mentions the comicum choragium. On the function of the choragus 
at Rome see Pauly-Wissowa and Darem. et Sag. 5.0. choragus. 





60 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Finally, how far did the playwright use costume as a medium for 
satirizing or ridiculing the foreigner? There is a significant passage 
in Menander, fragment 439, which, so far as the ξένος is concerned, is 
borne out by our other evidence on this point: 


> ᾿ « ᾿ 
εὐλοιδόρητον, ὡς ἔοικε, φαίνεται 


τὸ τοῦ στρατιώτου σχῆμα καὶ τὸ ξένου. 


Of genuine hostility there seems to be none. A feeling of scorn and 
contempt is indicated in the Pseudolus toward the Macedonian, where 
Simia counterfeits the réle of the Macedonian soldier’s servant. The 
tunica manuleata, which has been shown to be a sign of effeminacy,” 
is said to be a proper garment for him (738); and Ballio says of him 
in 964: peregrina facies videtur hominis atque ignobilis. Precisely 
the same attitude is found in Poenulus 975-77: quae illaec avis est 
quae huc cum tunicis advenit? / Numnam in balineis circumductust 
pallio? / facies quidem edepol Punicast, guggast homo. “he signifi- 
cance of gugga is doubtful, but the context would imply that it is 
used in further derision of Hanno’s appearance. In 1298 he is called 
homo cum tunicis longis, in 1303 genus hoc mulierumst tunicis demtsst- 
ciis.23 The feeling would be the stronger in view of the relations 


1 


existing at the time the play was written between Rome and Carthage. 


4 


ti 
4 ae τῷ τά Ἰ . = = — ον oa δὰ rie Pe ee .-Ψ- nwt — cr — 
In Trinummus 851, 52 the mock-toreigner is satirized on account of his 


J 


headgear: pol hicquidem fungino generest: capite se totum tegit. 
Hilurica facies videtur hominis. In 841 he is cum novo ornatu s pecteque. 
The large high crowned tiara which covered the ears of the virgo in 
the Persa (463) must have been a source of amusement to the 


audience.* 


2 Antiph. 91 satirizes the Ionians for wearing soft garments; 117 the Lacon- 
ians for wearing πορφυροῦς. Kock thinks that perhaps the poet intends to compare 
the present Laconians to women. 

2 The striking costume of the Persian in Aristoph. Ach. 63, 64 and the ridi- 
cule heaped upon him on account of it, bear a close analogy to the corresponding 
circumstances of Hanno in the Poen. These two passages are the most significant 
ones relating to the foreigner’s dress in Aristophanes and Roman comedy respect- 
tively, and they should be studied together. In general Aristophanes has few 
allusions to costume, as has been indicated on p. 27. 

24 There is no internal evidence as to the costume of foreigners in Terence. 
The Terentian Miniatures, which, in any case, would give dubious evidence, 
show nothing to be noted in the dress of the foreigner except the unusual head 
dress of the courtesan Thais and of the miles in the Eunuchus. It is unlikely that 
the peculiarity is in any way distinctive of them as foreigners. 


CHAPTER V 


THE DIALECT OF THE FOREIGNER IN ARISTOPHANES AND IN 


HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Che comic poets of Greece and Rome represent various foreigners 
speaking in their own languages and dialects. My purpose is to 
determine what the actual usage was in this regard, i.e., what its 
extent was and how far it was realistic; whether comedy in its diferent 
periods varied in its usage; and finally, what were the purposes which 
the use of the foreign lingo served. A Jarge part of the evidence on 


this point comes from Aristophanes. The Greek fragments fail, with 


slight exceptions, to provide a context for the use of foreign words 
and hence are of little value. Plautus and Terence ραν 
nothing except one Carthaginian passage and two hits at the vernacu- 
lar of an Italian town. Clearly the Latin adaptations could not 
successfully reproduce this aspect of the Greek originals. Our 
available evidence, therefore, for the Hellenistic period is defective 
and probably only faintly suggests the actual conditions. | 

Laconian: Spartan characters are prominent in the Lysistrata 
and the Laconian dialect is used extensively there. (1) The Saartan 
girl Lampito speaks at intervals between 81 and 240; (2) the Spartan 
herald has an active part between 980 and 1013; (3) one of the 
Spartan ambassadors, acting as spokesman for the body, takes a 
rather small part between 1076 and 1188; (4) a Laconian sings two 
songs between 1242 and 1301 (end). One verse of Laconian ὌΝΟΝ 
in Peace 214, in the speech of Hermes, where he tells what the Lacon- 
ians would say whenever they gained some slight success in the war. 
In Athenaeus 621 deit is said that among the Laconians there was an 
ancient type of sport in which two characters were impersonated by 
the δικηλισταί. One of them was the ξενικὸς ἰατρός. He then quotes 


1 . ° . . 
For the fullest discussion of the non-Attic Greek dialects in Aristoph., the 


Megarian, the Laconian, the Boeotian, and the Ionic, see Elliott Acharnians 
(1914) excursus IIT pp. 207-241. 





62 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


a fragment of Alexis (142) as the words of the foreign doctor, in which 
the Doric dialect of the medicus is an object of ridicule.’ 

Boeotian: Aristophanes makes use of the Boeotian dialect in 
Acharnians 860-958, where a Boeotian, who has come to market at 
Athens, takes a leading part. Eubulus 12 (see chap. on Mental and 
Moral Characteristics p. 31) was spoken by a Boeotian according to 
Eustath. 954,33. On the word Ywouara, Aristonymus 9, which is 
unknown to Attic usage, Hesychius says: παρὰ ᾿Αριστωνύμῳ πέπαικται 
ἡ λέξις TH Βοιωτῶν διαλέκτῳ. Anonymous 667 reads βοιωτιάζειν ἔμαθες. 
It is likely, from the meaning of the main verb, that the infinitive 
means ‘to speak Boeotian’ rather than ‘to play the Boeotian.”* 

Megarian: The Megarian dialect is used only in Acharnians 
729-835. 

Ionic: in Peace 46-48 an Ionian is represented as speaking in his 
own dialect. In 930 of the same play the form dé is made fun of as 


being Ionic. It is generally admitted that the Ionism consists in the 
᾿ ᾿- * 


word’s being dissyllabic.* 

Regarding barbarians there is no clear case of the use of their 
native tongues in Greek comedy. The verse pronounced by Pseud- 
artabas, Acharnians 100, ἰαρταμὰν ἔξαρξ᾽ ἀναπισσόναι arpa, which is 
intended to be taken as Persian, comes the nearest to it. Commenta- 
tors in general consider it nonsense;° yet the first two words contribute 


2Von Salis De Doriensium Ludorum in Comoedia Altica Vestigiis Ὁ. 22 says 
of the passage: poeta medicis alludit qui alieno utuniur sermone ideoque aegris 
credulioribus admirationem sui ac profundae scientiae suae inicere solent. He adds 
immediately: iam vero Cratetem videmus comoediae antiquae poetam medicum 
inducere, qui artificia sua invalido cuidam commendare videtur dorice loquens: 
frag. 41 ἀλλὰ σικύαν ποτιβαλῶ τοι, καναταλὴς ἀποσχάσων Thus Meineke and Kock 
think. The fact that Aristotle Poetics 1449 b brings Crates into connection with 
Epicharmus and Doric comedy would favor the opinion of von Salis. But the 
point has not been proved. 

Laconian and other Doric forms are found among the fragm. as follows: 
anonym. 1372; Hermippus 80, 96; Eupolis 138, 444- Telecleides 57; Aristoph. 769; 
Epicrates 9. 

3 Aristoph. fr. 726 is ὁ πίττομαι, on which Photius says τοῦτο Βοιώτιον. 

4 For other Ionic forms see Aristoph. 450, 934; Ameipsias 18; Eupolis 426. 

5 V. Leeuwen ad loc. 9 : verba vere persica inde efficere inque integram senten- 
tiam coniungere velle, id cum ratione insanire est profecto. Starkie, however, 
dissents from the common opinion: “elsewhere (Av. 1678 sq., Thesm. 1082 sq.) 
in the case of barbarians, Aristoph. supplies them with vulgar and ungrammatical 
Greek, which is easily intelligible, and indeed probably differed little from the 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 63 


the parts of ᾿Αρταξέρξης, and the last is near to σατράπης, which would 
make it sound to the average hearer like Persian. Starkie says (on 
Ach. 100) that Persian was as familiar to the Athenian at this time 
as French was to the Englishman in the time of Elizabeth. The 
sham-Persian resorts, however, to vulgar Greek® in 104. 

In many instances foreigners are not differentiated as members of 
a particular race, but are merely marked as ξένοι or βάρβαροι, or as 
talking like barbarians. Birds 199, 200 says: ἐγὼ γὰρ αὐτούς, Bap- 
βάρους ὄντας mpd τοῦ / ἐδίδαξα τὴν φωνήν, ξυνὼν πολὺν χρόνον. The 
natural inference is that Greeks did not think of barbarians as 
possessing the use of human language.’ Frogs 679 χείλεσιν ἀμφιλάλοις 
refers to talk that is half Greek, half barbarian. Frogs 682, 83 
Θρῃκία χελιδὼν ἐπὶ βάρβαρον ἐζομένη πέταλον" | ῥύζει δ᾽ ἐπίκλαυτον 
ἀηδόνιον νόμον, compares by implication the speech of barbarians to the 
sounds of a swallow.® οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι θεοὶ / πεινῶντες ὥσπερ ᾿Ιλλυριοὶ 
κεκριγότες, Birds 1520, 21, assigns another inarticulate sound to 
barbarian speech.* Hyperbolus is ridiculed as a barbarian on account 
of his pronunciation, Plato 168. He did not talk Attic Greek, οὐ yap 





dialect heard in Athenian streets, in the mouths of slaves and uneducated people; 
but nowhere with mere gibberish, as commentators believe the present line to be.” 
Cf. Starkie Ach. excursus III, where he maintains that the line is perfect Old 
Persian. V. Leeuwen regards the first word of the Triballian god, ναβαισατρεῦ, 
Birds 1615, as inanis vox, rather than in the Triballian tongue, since there would 
be no one at Athens who would understand Triballian. Cf. Suidas 5.0. BaBaxarped. 
A third possibility would be vulgar Greek, and it is so understood by some scholars. 


6 The Triballian god, Birds 1628, 1678 ff., and the Scythian τοξότης, Thesm. 
1001-1228 (end), obviously talk vulgar Greek, with no suggestion of their native 
tongues. There is a difference between them in that the Triballian is strictly a 
foreigner, while the Scythian policeman was a recognized feature of Athenian life 
and was not thought of as so clearly a foreigner. A fairly close analogy would be 
our Irish policeman, with his brogue, who passes as one type of American. 


’ Cf. Soph. Antigone 1001, 1002: ἀγνῶτ᾽ ἀκούω φθόγγον ὀρνίθων κακῷ κλάζοντας 
οἴστρῳ καὶ βεβαρβαρωμένῳ ; Aesch. Agam. 1050. In Eurip. Phoenissae 679 and 1301 


the expression βαρβάρῳ βοᾷ is used; in 819 βάρβαρον γλῶσσαν; also in Soph. Ajax. 
19A9 
120. 


8 oF a ee Fo -O 12. Ὶ “Se . Ἀ Υ 5 
Cf. Birds 1681, 1293; Frogs 93 (with V. Leeuwen’s note) and 681; Aesch. 
A gam. 1050. 


IV , l loc 
_ *V. Leeuwen ad loc. understands κεκριγότες to be used of such a sound as that 
Οἱ birds or bats. 





64 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


ἠττίκιζεν; for διῃτώμην and ὀλίγον he said δῃτώμην and ddiov."° Plato 
the comic poet says that he is a Lydian, according to the scholiast on 
Lucian Timon 30 Rabe’s edition, p. 115.4 On the word ψυγέα, Euphron 
3 line 1, Athenaeus 503 a comments: τοὺς δ᾽ ᾿Αττικοὺς Kal κωμῳδεῖν TOV 
Wuyea ws ξενικὸν ὄνομα." 

In Roman comedy the most important passage is that in Poenulus 
930-49. It continues at intervals up to 1027. Itis generally regarded 
as belonging to the Punic tongue, one of the slight bits to survive the 
destruction of Punic civilization. It possesses no Latin elements. 


Two hits against the vernacular of Praeneste are found in Roman 
comedy, one in Truculentus 690, 91, where it is said that conea is the 


10 Ferodianus II 926, 5: Πλάτων μέντοι ὁ κωμικὸς ἐν Ὑπερβόλῳ διέπαιξε τὴν ἄνευ 
τοῦ Y χρῆσιν ὡς βάρβαρον. Cf. Etym. Magnum 621, 51. 


i Hermippus 11 καὶ τάριχος πίονα and 12 δοκικῶ are considered by Meineke 
and Kock to have been spoken by the mother of Hyperbolus, both indicating her 
foreign origin. Cf. Mein. Hist. Crit. p. 94. 


12 1ῃ Aristoph. 79 κεκράξονταί τι βαρβαριστί there is no intimation who is 
referred to. Otherfragments of little or no value, because it is impossible to deter- 
mine by whom they were spoken, are as follows: Antiph. 32 λείψας ; Hermippus 66 
ἀπεδημηκότες ; Eupolis 441 σάξας; Euphron 3 line 2; Eupolis 287 κατακλιεῖ ; Philip- 
pides 36 κοράσιον (on which see Photius 369, 26 5.0. παιδισκάριον.) Meineke and Kock 
speculate both on these and on most of the fragments previously mentioned, 
but their speculations appear to have little foundation. 

In the Oxyrhyn. Pap. III pp. 44 ff. there is an interesting fragment of some 
length, of a farce, the scene of which is laid on the Indian coast. A barbarian king 
and several others talk in an unknown tongue, which Grenfell and Hunt op. cit. 
p. 43 regard as to a large extent imaginary, though they think it may include some 
non-Hellenic elements. Cf. their note onl. 83. The one first-hand critical study 
of this papyrus on the linguistic side is by Hultzsch ‘‘Zum Papyros 413 aus 
Oxyrhynchos” in Hermes 39 (1904) pp. 307-11. He thinks there is no doubt that 
the author of the piece was familiar with and employed the specific Indian dialect 
of Kanara. This passage would appear to be similar to the mock-Persian passage 
in Ach. 100. Crusius considers that the date of composition of the farce was 
somewhat earlier than the Roman period, though he does not regard it as a product 
of the better Hellenistic age. 


13 G. Hennen De Hannonis in Poenulo Plautina Precationis quae fertur Recen- 
sione Altera Punica (1882) names 69 titles of works running through the period of 
two and a half centuries up to 1873, which treat the Punic passage in the Poenulus. 
Cf. also Soltau “Zur Erklarung der in punischer Sprache gehaltenen Reden des 
Hanno” Berl. Stud. Band X (1889); J. Gildemeister in Goetz-Loewe’s ed. of the 
Poen. pp. XV to XX; Ussing ed. of Poen. (in vol. IV part 2 pp. 336-41); Lindsay 
Class. Review (1898) p. 361 ff. on the matter of text. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 65 


word used in Praeneste for ciconia a stock; the other in Trinummus 
609 where tam modo is used for modo.“ 


The extent of the use of foreign dialect may be inferred from the 
preceding statement of facts. It is considerable in Aristophanes 
though the bulk of it appears in two plays, the Lysistrata and the 
Acharnians. The fragments of the Old Comedians, especially Her- 
mippus, Eupolis, and Aristophanes, frequently contain dialect forms 
whereas there are relatively few among the fragments of New Pom 
edy. In Terence there are none; in Plautus the two hits at an Italian 
town are of pure Roman invention. The Punic passage will be dis- 
cussed later. In general, we may say, the use of strange dialect was 
common in Old Comedy; in Hellenistic comedy it does not appear 
to be very common, though here the nature of the evidence is such 
that it is unsafe to generalize. 

The question how far the poets strove for realism in the employ- 
ment of foreign dialect is one which admits of only approximate 
solution. Not only must the manuscripts (in the case of Aristo- 
phanes) be taken into account, and the evidence of Athenaeus, Hesy- 
chius, Suidas, Photius, and the other writers who quote Aristophanes 
but also the extant inscriptions of the specific localities opresented. 
AS yet no study has appeared which has thoroughly established, on 
scientific principles, whether Aristophanes aimed at exact reproduc- 
tion of the dialects of Sparta, Megara, and Boeotia when he 
introduced characters from those places in the Lysistrata and the 
“charnians.” It is highly probable, on a priori grounds, that Aristo- 


4 Festus (Lindsay p. 492) says: tammodo antiqui ponebant pro modo. In 
Ribbeck Com. Rom. Fragm.* Titinius 1. 104 is found the following verse: Qui 
Obsce et Volsce fabulantur: nam Latine nesciunt. But the context is lacking and 
the subject of fabulantur cannot be known. 

Ὁ Elliott Ach. excursus III pp. 216-40 takes up in detail the three non-Attic 
dialects. He concludes that in the case of the Megarian Aristoph. was as a rule 
correct, but that he has used not a few incorrect forms, chiefly for metrical pur- 
poses, but partly apparently through ignorance; and that when he had to choose 
between a Meg. form and a joke he chose the latter, without allowing it to trouble 
him, even though he knew better. Elliott considers the Boeotian dialect to be 
used with less accuracy than the Meg., partly due perhaps to the greater contempt 
he felt for the Boetian rustics, which led him to take less pains with their dialect. 
The Laconian is treated with more care, in Elliott’s opinion, than either of the 
others, for the reason that it formed a larger element in the Lysistrata than did 
Meg. or Boeotian in the Ach. Cf. on this dialect problem V. Leeuwen’s notes on 
Thesm. 1001, on the lingo of the Scythian. 





66 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


phanes did not write the pure dialects of Sparta, Megara, and Boeotia, 
when he introduced characters from those places in the Lysvstrata 
and the Acharnians.® He doubtless could have obtained accurate 
information regarding the details of a given dialect had he taken the 
trouble to do so. Though the textual question will not be taken up, 
‘t is in order to say that the manuscripts are in harmony with the 
above general notion of what we should expect Aristophanes to write; 
and an extensive amount οἱ emendation, even where the readings 
conform to metrical rules, would be necessary in order to make the 
dialects pure. We have seen that in Hellenistic comedy dialect does 
not appear to have been used frequently in the case of a foreigner." 
It may be said, on the other hand. that Aristophanes put into the 
mouths of the foreigners in his plays a lingo which sounded non- 
Attic to his audience, and which was intended to convey to the Athen- 
ians the impression that the foreigners spoke their own languages or 
dialects. 

What was the purpose of the dramatists in employing the device 
of strange dialect? There is no trace of downright animosity. Con- 
tempt, ridicule, and a sense of the superiority of the Attic dialect 
appear. . The condescending attitude is plain in the Boeotian and 
Megarian scenes in the Acharnians. The Athenian feeling of super- 
iority over the Thessalian in the language he speaks is shown in 
Posidippus 28, where a Thessalian resents the presumption of an 


16 Elliott Ach. excursus III pp. 213-16 gives an excellent discussion, suc- 
cessfully refuting the fundamental assumption of some editors that Aristoph. 
must have written the pure dialects. Blaydes works on that assumption, and 
Schneider, De dialecto Megarica p. 18, states the general principle that Aristoph. 
could not have palmed off a mixture as Megarian upon the Athenians, as the 
latter had continuous association with the Megarians. Elliott Joc. cit. 
‘llustrates at length from modern writers the fact that dialect is not faithfully 
reproduced. He quotes from George Eliot: “It must be borne in mind that 
my inclination to be as close as I could to the rendering of dialect both 
in words and spelling was constantly checked by the artistic duty of being 
generally intelligible.” Cf. Rogers Introd. to Ach. pp. xlvi, xlvii; Commentary 
115; Commentary on Lys. 12, 13. 


17 Legrand Daos p. 327 says that there is more realism in the language of 
New Comedy than in that of the preceding age. But, so far as our evidence 
goes, this is untrue of the language of the foreigner, since the playwright in the 
latter period rarely has a foreigner talk his own language or dialect. 


κα 
a 
δὲ 
ἢ 
" 


tS " 


ΞΡ ΠΥ ΠΡ 
gia pectin iy ese ee τας ὅπ. -- 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 67 


Athenian that his Greek is the standard.'* Hesychius remarks on 
Ywouara, Aristonymus 9, that the Boeotian dialect was made Fain of 
Hyperbolus was satirized as a barbarian for his pronunciation in 
Plato 168. There is contempt in the use of such a word as κεκριγότες 
Birds 1521, referring to human speech among the Illyrians; in mee 
ing the barbarians language, Birds 199, 200; and in comparing their 
talk to the sounds of birds, Frogs 682, 83. The nonsense ναβαισατρεῦ 
in Birds 1615 makes the Triballian god ridiculous. The same thing 
may be said of the mock-Persian in the Acharnians when he speaks 
in line 100. The most frequent and obvious purpose is to get a 
humorous take-off on the foreigner, Greek or barbarian, to raise a 
laugh at his expense. In some cases, however, the attitude of the 
poet seems to be even favorable and sympathetic, as in the Spartan 
passages in the Lysistrata. Aristophanes, who strongly favored 
peace, could not be otherwise minded toward Lampito, who speaks 
in 81 ff., the Spartan herald 980 ff., the Spartan ambassador 1076 ff. 
and the Laconian who sings 1242 ff. For they were all on the sid 
of peace. Yet their talk was no doubt intended to be amusing to 
the audience. The lines spoken by a chance Ionian at the theatre 
in Athens, Peace 47, 48, are primarily for humorous effect. 

‘The two references to Praeneste in Truculentus 690, 91 and 
Trinummus 609 serve the purpose of delighting the audience with 
satirical thrusts at the dialect usage of a town of which Rome held no 
high opinion.!® It is more difficult to account for a passage like the 
talk of Hanno in the Poenulus. It is highly improbable that at Rome 
there was sufficient knowledge of the Punic language*® to make it 
possible for the hearers to understand a passage, even to a small 
extent, when there was no admixture of Latin words. The only thing 
in any way similar to it is the speech of the mock-Persian in ‘Achar- 


bs Ἑλλὰς μέν ἐστι μία, πόλεις δὲ πλείονες: σὺ μὲν ἀττικίζεις, ἡνίκ᾽ ἂν φωνὴν A€yys 

eee τινές, of δ᾽ Ἕλληνες ἑλληνίζομεν. τί προσδιατρίβων συλλαβαῖς καὶ γράμμασιν 
τὴν εὐτραπελίαν εἰς ἀηδίαν ἄγεις; The fragment is preserved in Dicaearchus 4.7 
in C. Mueller Geogr. min. ΤΡ. 109. 


19 Cf. supra p. 48 n. 82. 


20 Pliny N. H. XVIII 5 speaks of a certain Carthaginian Mago, who was held 
In such honor by the Roman senate that it decided to have 28 volumes of his 
library translated into Latin, and to have the task assigned to those who were 


acquainted with the Punic tongue. The inference would be that no large number 
were so acquainted. 





68 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


nians 100, which, as has been said, probably sounded like Persian to 
the audience. The close intercourse of Carthage and Rome during 
the first and second Punic wars renders it likely that the hearers 
would appreciate from the sound of the words the language to which 
they belonged. In that case the effect would be the same as that of 
the mock-Persian’s speech. Other circumstances of the two episodes 
are strikingly analogous: both Hanno and the mock-Persian are at 
first purposely misunderstood by another character, in an effort to 
deceive the rest; and both soon resort to the language of the people 
among whom they have come. It is indeed not unlikely that the 


suggestion for the use of foreign language in the Poenulus came to the 
author from the Persian passage in the Acharnians.”* 

To sum up, dialect was a tool of the comic poets, in fairly general 
usage in Old Comedy, more sparingly used, as far as our scanty evi- 
dence shows, in the later period; it was employed for the purposes of 
ridicule, contempt, satire, without any real hostility, and particularly 


for producing humorous effects.” 


21 Some scholars regard the passage as post-Plautine. See Ussing’s note vol. 
IV, part 2, pp. 336, 37. This would suggest that succeeding generations were 
amused by the use of foreign dialect on the stage, and that managers of later pro- 
ductions may have been influenced by that to extend the Punic. 


2 Since the above was printed, an article “Das Attische im Munde von Auslin- 
dern bei Aristophanes” by J. Friedrich has appeared in Philologus 75 (1918) pp. 274 ἢ. 


ΝΞ Yale we eee 


i me a ila amd 
BEM peri cag ete Ml UIs) ake Bae cei, 


CHAPTER VI 


THE FOREIGNER IN THE TECHNIQUE OF HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Old and New Comedy are quite distinct in character, and that 
fact largely accounts for the difference in the treatment of foreigners 
in the comedy of the two periods.! Aristophanes’ plays are incoherent 
and almost wholly lacking in plot; they have room for foreigners as 
active réles at most only in single episodes. Hellenistic comedy, on the 
other hand, is characterized by a closely organized plot, wherein a 
foreigner may take the leading part.” In the Poenulus e.g. the main 
characters of the major plot are all foreigners, and one of the main 
characters of the minor plot is a mock-foreigner. It is literally a play 
of foreigners. It will be found that when the economy of the plot 
requires a foreigner the demand usually will be satisfied by a Greek 
alien, as well as by a non-Greek barbarian. This is due to the fact 
that each Greek state was a unit independent of others. Inter- 
relations were not extensive and communication was not very rapid. 
Had the characters in the Poenulus been from Cyrene or from Syra- 
cuse they would have served their main purpose as well as if they 
came from Carthage. The foreigner, therefore, appears as purely 
a matter of dramatic convenience. 

We shall endeavor here to show that the playwrights were com- 
pelled by the exigencies of the plot to use foreigners in certain 
situations rather than natives. In Greek New Comedy there occurs 
a number of conventional themes, to which the poets found them- 
selves limited. Among these are the impostor or mock-foreigner 
motif and the theme in which a recognition scene is the solution of the 
plot. With regard to the first an outsider is essential to its elabora- 
tion, since, in a city the size of Athens, a native would be too well 


1 See supra chap. II p. 27. 


2 It must be kept in mind, of course, that for the study of dramatic technique we 
are dependent almost entirely upon the Latin plays; and while we can be reasonably 
certain that they preserve the general character of the plays of Greek New Comedy, 
we must admit the possibility of Roman adaptation, which in the case of the foreigner 
cannot easily be recognized. 





70 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


known plausibly to pass as a stranger. And, so far as Roman comedy 
is concerned, masks were not worn in the time of Plautus and Ter- 
ence, so that the success of the imposture would depend entirely on 
the unfamiliar appearance of the impostor. The second appears with 
variations. There is the seduction theme (in which the dramatist has 
the action of his play begin many years after the seduction occurred). 
Then there is the lost-relative theme, in several forms, each of which 
regularly issues in anagnorisis. E.g. in the variety of the theme 
‘1 which a child is kidnapped the kidnappers could not reasonably 
sell the child in a town near its home, for a long separation would 
then be improbable. Whether the plot hinges on seduction or on the 
loss of a child by kidnapping or exposure, the dénouement must be 
effected usually by an outsider, for only such a character can, late 
in the action, plausibly identify the person who has been lost, kid- 
napped, or seduced. 

The impostor appears in five plays, in three of which, the Persa, 
the Pseudolus, and the Asinaria, the issue of the imposture is the 
primary interest; in the other two, the Trinummus and the Poenulus, 
it is only subordinate to the major plot. 

Plautus introduces the impostor into but one scene of the Trinum- 
mus, act IV, scene 2. In lines 729 ff. a statement of the situation is 
made: Lesbonicus must not be apprised of the whereabouts of the 
treasure, yet a dowry must be provided for his sister. Lysiteles may 
change his mind about marrying her, and it would be very unfortu- 
nate to lose so excellent a match. Though Lysiteles may properly 
offer to marry the girl without a dowry, the playwright may not allow 
her brother to break the binding social convention requiring a dowry. 


He therefore employs the impostor theme to initiate a solution of the 
difficulty: 765 ff. 


homo conducatur aliquis iam, quantum potest, 
quasi sit peregrinus .. . 

is homo exornetur graphice in peregrinum modum, 
ignota facies quae non visitata sit, 
mendaciloquom, aliquem . . 

falsidicum, confidentem . . . 

quasi ad adulescentem a paire ex Seleucia 

veniat.? 


8 He is further marked as a foreigner by the words of Charmides in 841, cum novo 
ornatu specieque; and 851, 52: pol hicquidem fungino generest: capite se totum tegit. 
Hilurica facies videtur hominis, eo ornatu advenit. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 71 


The impostor is to bring a letter stating that he carries money for the 
dowry. The money is to be taken from the treasure, but, owing to the 
explanations in the letter, the suspicions of Lesbonicus will not be 
aroused. The plan was designed to succeed in its purpose. That the 
dramatist does not make the dénouement issue from this plan is due 
to the fact that he wants to enhance the interest by the meeting of 
Charmides and the impostor. Charmides then naturally becomes the 
person to solve the difficulties. Incidentally it is more satisfactory 
that the father of the bride be present at the betrothal and marriage of 
his daughter. The omission of either réle, that of Charmides or of the 
impostor, would have weakened the action. 

The mock-foreigner enters only in the minor plot of the Poenulus. 
The design is the downfall of the villainous procurer 159, 161, 423, 
and the freeing of Adelphasium, the girl whom Agorastocles loves 
163, 64. The clever slave, Milphio, is made the arch-intriguer. In 
165 ff. he explains the plan: Collybiscus, the bailiff of Agorastocles, 
is to be the agent. He is to be dressed as a foreigner, to be introduced 
to the procurer by Milphio as a gullible sort of fellow. It is essential 
to the technique that Collybiscus be unknown to the procurer, 171. 
As Calydon was the home of the former, Plautus represents the latter 
as having recently migrated to the town from Anactorium, 93, 94. 
Witnesses are to be called, who shall see Collybiscus delivering 300 
gold pieces to the procurer. Thereupon Agorastocles is to claim his 
slave and the money, which, according to law, must be doubled, 
184,564. The procurer will be unable to pay the increased amount, 
and in consequence, in the praetor’s court, his whole household, 
including Adelphasium, will be adjudged to Agorastocles, 186,564. 
The double purpose of humbling the procurer and obtaining the girl 
will thus be accomplished. 

The end sought by the imposture is not attained, though the 
execution of it is successful. This corresponds to the situation in the 
Trinummus, except that in the Poenulus the trick is executed, in the 
Trinummus it is balked. After 961 Plautus entirely forgets what 
he had made the purpose of the trick in 186, addicet praetor familiam 


totam tibi, and has the same person, Milphio, suggest another plan 


whereby Adelphasium (and her sister Anterastylis also) may be 
removed from the procurer, though the first plan had apparently been 


a complete success. This lack of harmony may be due to the fact 





72 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


that the Poenulus is taken from more than one Greek play and the 
parts are not properly adjusted.* 

The relation of Agorastocles to Adelphasium in the minor plot 
paves the way for ἀναγνώρισις in the major plot. The latter hinges on 
the discovery of the two sisters, Adelphasium and Anterastylis, by 
their father, Hanno, a Carthaginian, and the recognition of Hanno’s 
nephew, Agorastocles, who is now the adopted son of Hanno’s guest- 
friend. The poet could lead up naturally to the recognition of Agora- 
stocles, the son (presumably) of his guest-friend, who is a citizen of 
Calydon. But to provide a plausible motivation for the discovery of 
girls who had been stolen in childhood, and were now in a procurer’s 
possession is the problem that the playwright has solved by the con- 
nection, loose as it is, between the machinery of the minor and that 
of the major plot. 

In the Pseudolus itis the main point in the action which hinges 
on the employment of a mock-foreigner. Here, as in the minor plot of 
the Poenulus, a lover must get his sweetheart out of the clutches of ἃ 
grasping Jeno. Again the clever slave is the author of the scheme. 
The entrance of Harpax, the cacula muilitis, soliloquizing, is the means 
of suggesting the plan to the mind of Pseudolus. It assumes definite 
shape when Harpax entrusts to Pseudolus the letter from his master 
containing the token which the procurer and the captain had agreed 
upon, 647,48. The captain had already paid down fifteen minae and 
still owed five minae, 618, 19. The courtesan, Phoenicium, is to be 
turned over to the messenger on the presentation of the letter and 
five minae. Obviously the letter is worth fifteen minae to any one 
desiring to gain possession of the girl. In 724 ff. the plan of Pseudolus 
is explained: he must have a crafty fellow, one who has not often been 
seen at Athens. He must be equipped with chlamys, machaera, and 
petasus. He is to play the rdle of pseudo-Harpax and go to the pro- 
curer with five minae and the letter to obtain the girl. The captain 
is a Macedonian from abroad, 51, 346, 616. Had Plautus made him a 
native, there would have been no need of a messenger, and the chance 
to develop the imposture theme would have been removed. 


‘So Leo suggests Pl. Forsch. p.173. He discusses the relation of the Poen. to its 
Greek originals, pp. 170-78. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 73 


The Persa® is the only play in which two characters assume 
the réle of mock-foreigner. As in the Pseudolus and the Poenulus 
the procurer is made the object of the intrigue. The fact that he has 
migrated from Megara less than six months before,® 137, 38, sities 
the dramatist to assume that the characters he intends εὐ use is the 
imposture are not known to the procurer, Dordalus. Here also the 
clever slave is made responsible for the plan. Toxilus has succeeded 
in borrowing money to obtain the freedom of his mistress, who is in 


the possession of Dordalus. The necessity of paying back that loan 
is the motive which impels him to devise the following plan: Saturio 
“ ΄ « > ~ > 4 ic ᾿ { Η 7 ν ᾿ Σ , 
a parasite, shall lend his daughter to Toxilus, 147; another person 
shall be chosen to s er, who is say that she is a forei 35 

ξ -hosen to sell her, who is to say that she is a foreigner, 135, 


36; both are to be dressed after the foreign fashion in costume which 
is to be obtained from the choragus, 155 ff. They are represented as 
Persians, 461, 498, 676, 740, etc. The fictitious letter from Tim- 
archides, 501 ff., the gentle persuasion of Toxilus throughout scenes 
3 and 4 of act IV, the manner of Sagaristio in the ΜΝ scenes, the 
long and numerous Persian names, 702 ff., all are effectually reer to 
dupe Dordalus into the purchase which proves his undoing. The 
remark of Sagaristio in 695, 96, that he has heard that his twin 
brother is a slave there and that he wants to look him up and buy his 
ireedom, seems to me clearly to have been made with the purpose of 
lorestalling any suspicion in the procurer’s mind that he had seen 
him in Athens before. Toxilus strengthens the effect by saying that 
he had seen a man there much like him in form and size.’ In the 


δ Wilamowitz De Tribus Carminibus, pp. 15 ff., contends that the Persa belongs 
to Middle Comedy. He reminds us that Timarchides, an Athenian, is absent on με 
expedition for the Persian king in Arabia. A Persian sells a girl at Athens who was 
captured in Arabia. That this is a pure fiction of Toxilus matters not. It might have 
been true. At no time, he says, could a person who was from Arabia be said to have 
come from Persia, except when the Persians were in possession of all Asia. He places 
the date in the time of Demosth., about 338 B. C., when many Athenians were on 
campaigns in the East. Leo Pl. Forsch.? p.123 assents to this view; cf. also Hermes XLI 
p. 440; and Hiiffner de Plauti Com. Exemplis Altticis 70, 71. The arguments are dis- 
cussed and rejected as unsafe premises for such a surprising conclusion by Max. 
Meyer Commentationes Phil. Jenenses VIII pp. 181-91. 


δ For a fact of like significance cf. Poen. 93, 94. 


’ There is an inconsistency between the directions of Toxilus, 677: simulato quast 
eas prosum in navem, and Sagaristio’s remark, 709: animus iam in navist mihi, on the 





74 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


development of the plot of the Persa the dramatist needs the rdle of 
the foreigner. Since no ‘warranty’ was given with the girl to make 
the title secure a shrewd business man like Dordalus would not take 
the risk of having a parent or other relative appear to claim her, if he 
thought that she was from a neighboring Greek city or any country 
in close communication with Athens. The foreign réle is necessary 
then but it must be the mock-foreigner. Otherwise the father could 
not immediately claim the girl and carry her off, with confidence in 
the support of the law, as he does, 738 ff.8 

In the Asinaria the impostor is not, as elsewhere, a foreigner, but 
a native, who counterfeits the part of the chamberlain, Saurea; and 
the deceit is committed against a foreigner. Yet the principle may 
be stated to include this play, viz. the plotter must be a foreigner 
from the standpoint of the man tricked. To this extent the play 
‘Jlustrates the foreigner’s function in the technique of comedy. 
Again the ultimate motive of the trick is for a lover to get possession 
of the girl he loves. The ‘mmediate sufferer is not, however, ἃ pro- 
curer, nor in fact anyone to whom the girl belongs, but an innocent 
foreigner who is coming to pay ἃ debt. Twenty minae must be found 
immediately to prevent the transfer of the girl to a soldier, with whom 
a bargain has already been struck by her mother, 746 ff. An ass- 
dealer of Pella in Macedonia having bought some asses is sending ἃ 
young man with twenty minae to pay for them, 333 ff. In 464 he 
says: peregrinus ego sum, Lauream non novi. He does know Demae- 
netus, the father of the lover, Argyrippus, 349. We see the arch- 
intriguer at work again. He fnds that he can depend upon the aid 
of Demaenetus even to the extent of cheating his own wife or her 
chamberlain. His wife is one of the well-dowered women at Athens 
who control their own finances. The messenger from the ass-dealer 
supposes that he will be safe in paying the money to the person whom 
Demaenetus identifies, and agrees to do so. Libanus, the intriguer, 
then arranges for his fellow slave, Leonida, to impersonate the cham- 





one hand, and the latter’s remark that he must make a search for his twin brother 
695,96, on the other. Yet it appears inevitable that some such reference as 695,96 
should be made, to pave the way for Sagaristio’s appearance, 830 ff., in the réle of his 
twin brother. In either case the inconsistency remains and is no doubt due to Plautus’ 


carelessness, which is common in minor details. 
8 This shows that a freeborn Athenian girl could not be sold into slavery at Athens 
nor be held by a procurer. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 75 


berlain. It could not be presumed by the playwright that a nativ 
would “sein readily trusted the identification voatied for by Ae 
man of the house when yas t i 

ey cg the money was to be paid to a servant of the 

In the Eunuchus Chaerea, as his only disguise is that of dress, 682 
83, is able to succeed in his imposture only because the daca 
people have but recently come to Athens. “In the Miles also the 
plan to outwit Pyrgopolynices, the soldier, is successful because one 
party is a foreigner from the standpoint of the other. 

The seduction motif figures prominently in six plays of Hellenistic 
comedy, the Epitrepontes and Hero of Menander the Epidicus and 
Cistellaria of Plautus, and the Phormio and ie of Terence. The 
two plays of Plautus and the Phormio are the only ones which aveive 
the foreigner; they stand in contrast to the other three in this respect 
two of which are by Menander, while the Hecyra is in close elacion 
to him, as is seen from the striking resemblance in plot between it and 
the Epitrepontes; its original, however, is a play of Apollodorus 
Contrast is also seen in the fact that in the three πῶς eatin, 
plays seduction is represented as having taken place from sixteen to 
twenty years prior to the action, while in the three Menandrian 
plays it is a matter of months.’ A playwright would not be unreason- 
able in effecting a recognition so long as several months after the 
first encounter, though the parties were living as fellow citizens of the 
same town. But he would encounter difficulties in leading up to the 
recognition if he delayed it for eighteen or twenty years without the 
employment of foreigners. Menander’s technique then does not 
require the foreigner for the phase of this theme which he uses, while 
the foreigner is essential to the theme as employed in the non- 
Menandrian plays in Roman comedy. 

In the three plays which require the introduction of a foreigner the 
foreigner is from a neighboring Greek state, Lemnos in the case of the 
Cistellaria and the Phormio, Epidaurus in the case of the Epidicus. 
There is no urgent reason why the playwright should select a 
more distant city. But in each case it must be a foreign city. 
The fact that Lemnos was near to Athens lends plausibility 
to Terence’s dramatic invention, in the Phormio, of an assumed name 


ΕἾ 
In the Heros, however, both methods of treatment appear to be used. Yet, as 


b : ete 
: Ὃς = fragments of it survive, we cannot argue from it with assurance one way or 
6 other. 





76 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


for purposes of deception, 356, 389, 390, 740. The danger that the 
facts about Chremes’ Lemnian wife and daughter should come to 
light are thus minimized. Chremes’ regular visits to the island are 
accounted for naturally by having him possess estates there, which 
must be looked after periodically, and their revenues collected, 788 ff., 
1012, 13. The fact that they really belong to his Athenian wife 
brings his misdemeanor into stronger relief and prepares for his more 
complete discomfiture at the end, 990 ff. 

The Lemnian wife and her daughter, Phanium, are brought to 
Athens by the dramatist, prior to the action, in Chremes’ absence. 
This is necessary in order to allow time for the development of the 
love affair between Antipho and Phanium without the likelihood of 
Chremes’ discovering prematurely the identity of the girl, a discovery 
which would have weakened the plot decidedly. Chremes had not 
been at home one day before he encountered Sophrona, the nurse, who 
is the only foreigner involved in the action. The death of the Lem- 
nian wife is necessary to avoid a situation inconvenient for dramatic 
purposes, Viz. ἃ respectable Athenian centleman with two recognized 
wives living at Athens. Phanium’s part is entirely behind the scenes. 
But Sophrona is essential as a means of identifying Phanium, act is 
scene 1. The scenery essential to Chremes’ domestic affairs requires 
a setting outside of Athens, and this setting easily brings with it the 


alien nurse, who is dramatically convenient in the recognition.” 


10 A weakness in the plot appears from the fact that the girl cannot perhaps be 
considered an Athenian citizen—though she is called so by the nurse in 114—having 
a mother who was a native of Lemnos. It is doubtful, therefore, whether the marriage 
between her and Antipho can be considered fully legal. The same difficulty appears in 
the Cistellaria and in the Curculio. The scene of both of these plays, however, is laid 
outside of Athens, where the laws may have been different from those in Athens. 
The evidence of Phormio 115, 16: st uxorem velit, lege id licere facere, might be given as 
proof that she was a citizen. But a foreign woman is speaking, upon whose mind the 
status of the girl’s father would be impressed. Gilbert Constitutional Antiquities of 
Sparta and Athens pp. 187, 88 discusses the question of the legality of a marriage 
between alien and citizen, and their position and that of their children. He quotes 
Demosth. 59, 17, who gives a law to the effect that such a marriage was not permitted. 
The penalty to aliens in case of transgression was slavery. The law does not seem to 
have been effective in practice, for Attic tomb inscriptions record numerous wives of 
Athenian citizens from other Greek states. Lécrivain in Dar. et Sagl. s.v. matrimonium 
III 2 pp. 1643, 44 gives a fuller discussion of the subject. The problem is also dis- 
cussed at length by Beauchet Histoire du Droit Privé de la République Athénienne pp- 
179 ff. He concludes that such marriages were never forbidden by Attic law. See 


also Dziatzko-Hauler Phormio 4th ed. p. 78 n. 3. 


tno ly 2 a Me ii Sw PE lil) Wtce ADE CO RT See Nl cel ee een ee 
me eee sitet λᾶ μόνο ΥΩ Ἷ iia ϑλωλα χϑλνι 


πε ere Wetec les clara τ ieee. SPH pret tent pars ἐνῆν eo 


NG atte 
SPACERS Tin 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


| In the Phormto a man already married takes a second wife, while 
in the Cistellaria, 158, 59, and in the Epidicus, 540, 41 the girl is 
violated. Demipho, in the Cistellaria, after the ἀρὰ τὴ of ἘΝ ἊΝ 
wife, comes to Sicyon to live, and by accident marries the aidan 
of his former adventure, 177, 78. Their recognition of each other is 
apparently effected after their marriage, 179, though in what man- 
ner the author gives us no intimation. As the adventure was multa 
nocte, 159, they would probably not have known each other even the 
next day, to say nothing of eighteen years later, 755." The failure 
to motivate this discovery may be due to the fragmentary condition 
of the play. Ifit isa weakness, it becomes less conspicuous because of 
the importance attached to the discovery of their common daughter at 
the end of the play, a recognition which is properly managed cirsusis 
the medium of trinkets. In a plot like that of the Cistellaria the 
employment of a foreigner for one réle is inevitable. 

Comparing the Epidicus with the Phormio we find that in both 


plays the man has an intrigue with a woman in a city alien to the 


~ 27 > +f > ’ ye T ; > ; 7 τὰ ν 9 ria + ~ m1 1 “4 
scene of the play; while in the Cistellaria seduction takes place in the 


oO Vn ATnere ea Cce > ᾿ς la} : } Lan ᾿ } ἣ ᾿ > 
town where the scene is laid. In the Phormio and the Epidicus the 


} 
A 1 | 


man knows the woman an ile 1 
yman anc le in the 


age ce ee ὦ = 

has at least seen the child; whi 
τ Ἵ 

i 


Cistellaria the parties concerned have no knowledge οἱ eacn other. 


In all three plays the recognition of the child forms the dénovement. 
The Menandrian plays are in contrast in this point, for in the Epztre- 
pontes and the Hecyra the climax comes in the recognition of each 
other by the girl and her seducer. 
there is to be an ἀναγνώρισις at all. 

In the Epidicus the interest is twofold, and not confined to the 
seduction theme. 
daughter to her father—a normal conclusion for this theme—but 
saves the girl from marrying her half-brother. The only apparent 
reason why the playwright had mother and daughter move from their 
home in Epidaurus to Thebes is that there was more likelihood of a 
war between Athens and Thebes than of one between Athens and 
Epidaurus. The daughter comes to Athens by way of the ‘captive- 


in-war’ motif; and her mother, upon hearing of her capture, comes to 


This is. of course, inevitable 1f 


The recognition at the end not only restores a 


In the Hecyra a similar recognition is effected only through the medium of a 


ring, though the young man had married the girl only a few months after their first 
meeting. 





78 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Athens to search for her. Stratippocles, half-brother of the girl, 
meets her on the campaign, and falls in love with her. She is thus 
brought before the eyes of Stratippocles’ slave Epidicus, who recog- 
nizes her, 638 ff. The playwright is not explicit as to when Epidicus 
had known her. Even.Epidicus’ elder master, her father, had seen 
her but once, 600, presumably as a small child. The motivation of 
the recognition therefore is rather weak.!2 In this play it is a matter 
both of realism and of dramatic convenience that one family is out- 
side of Athens, a situation which involves the employment of a for- 
eigner; nor could the recognition interest have been obtained without 
the assistance of the foreigner. 

The most common theme involving the foreigner, and one of the 
most common of any, in New Comedy, is the lost-relative theme, 
which is invariably followed by ἀναγνώρισις. Some phase of this 
subject forms the ground work of no less than nine plays, five of 
Plautus, three of Terence, one (doubtful) of Menander. Dénoue- 
ment through the device of a recognition is employed in more than 
half the plays of New Comedy, nine out of twenty of Plautus, five out 
of six of Terence, four of Menander’s fragmentary plays. 

Five plays which handle this subject introduce it by means of the 
kidnapping motif: Curculio, Eunuchus, Rudens, Menaechmt, 
Poenulus. In all five the kidnapping follows after the child 
has lost its way, and thus it is not a matter of open violence. The 
child is always young, from three in the Rudens up to seven (οἱ 
Agorastocles) in the Poenulus and perhaps older in the Curculto. 
Except in the Menaechmi the pirates sel] their stolen property. Itisa 
matter of little consequence how kindly or how cruelly the child was 


12 Of all Plautus’ plays, however, the Epzdicus is probably the most obscure and 
complicated. It is a “sort of ancient ‘movie’ whose action touches only the high 
places,’ as Wheeler says in his discussion “The Plot of the Epidicus” A.J.P. 38 (1917) 
pp. 237 ff. This article gives a full discussion of the difficulties of the Epidicus, making 
valuable comparisons with other plays. For a general work which is partly concerned 
with the difficulties of plot in the plays of Plautus see Langen “‘Plautinische Studien” 
in Berliner Phil. Studien (1887). 

ι Cf. Dziatzko-Hauler Phormio 4th ed. p. 80 n. 2, which mentions a similar 
situation in Antiphon’s first oration. 

4 Leo, Plaut. Forsch? pp. 158, 59, traces briefly the history of ἀναγνώρισις from 
Homer on down. He makes it characteristic of Menander, and thinks that poet was 
responsible for its prominent position in comedy. See also Hoffmann De Anagnorismo 
(1910). He discusses most of the specific cases of recognition in Hellenistic comedy. 


sce ονδὴν i NFA το ἐρονφβωκν i Nh MRS 


ee " iia iliac diastole mimes ἡ ὍΝ ΠΥΡΉΝΝΝΝ 
ΑΜ Ὑν eh νον ΠΥ ΤΟ ἘΞ ΤΡ ΤΡ ἐπ το "ΤΟΥ dinc tht NRA ὈΡῸ ὌΠ Ψ teats! ta 


ek i τῶ 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 79 


treated. Foreigners are essential for the elaboration of this theme. 
Pirates may not kidnap children and sell them back in the same 
town from which they were stolen. Probability of detection would 
be it strong. The utmost secrecy must be observed even when 
children are sold far from their own home. Moreover foreig 
necessary for a successful recognition scene between Serpe μέν 
The plot of the Curculio involves the kidnapping of a free-born 
girl, who is sold into slavery to a Jeno in a strange city. She could 
not be in the hands of a procurer in her native town.'6 Free-born 
persons become slaves only in foreign lands. Moreover the successful 
elaboration of the kidnapping theme requires that the stolen child be 
a foreigner, on the general principle already laid down that a kid- 
napped child could not be sold in the town where its own home was. 
Under such conditions the recognition must be effected by foreigners. 
The kidnapping and recognition theme as it appears in the 
Eunuchus varies from the treatment of the same subject in other 
plays in that the kidnapped child is brought back to her native 
country,!? where the recognition takes place. This happens nowhere 
else except in the Captivi, and there the ‘captive in war’ motif makes 
+ a different matter. The girl is not brought back until she has 


I 


yecome a young woman and can be recognized only by an artificial 
medium. The foreigner is essential in helping to establish the girl’s 
identity, for she has had no contact with her fellow countrymen since 
her kidnapping. She had lived at the home of the meretrix, Thais, 
whom the dramatist brings to Athens shortly before the action begins. 
There is another reason, besides the fact that she is the person to 
shelter the girl, why Thais should be a foreigner. The disguised 
eunuch—who was an Athenian youth—since his only disguise was 
dress, would have been recognized by her and her household, had she 
been a native of Athens; and this would have eliminated the leading 


᾽ 
| 


point in the action, the entrance of the supposed eunuch into the 


15 See supra p. 70. 

16 The plot of the Persa is based on the point in Athenian law that a Jeno has no 
legal claim to a girl who is a citizen, even though he may have bought and paid for her. 
The same law probably holds for other Greek towns as well as Athens so far as comedy 
is concerned. In the Poen. when the girls are proved to be free-born citizens of Car- 
thage Lycus realizes that he has no claim on them. 

17 It is not the same town, however; 115 says that the child was carried off from 
Sunium. 





80 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


house of Thais. At the death of Thais’ mother the stolen girl had 
been sold toa foreign soldier, 759, who bought her to present to Thais. 
The dramatist gains by having a foreigner take the réle of mules. 
It serves the purpose of encouraging the stolen girl’s brother, who is 
attempting to reclaim her, to stand his ground, for he realizes that an 
alien will be under a disadvantage in a law-suit—minus potens, 760.18 

The Rudens presents us with the first play in which Athenians 
must be accounted aliens in the economy of the plot.!® The dramatist 
has selected Cyrene” as the scene, and has brought an Athenian 
senex, Daemones, 33, and an Athenian youth, Plesidippus, 42, to 
settle there. The kidnapping motif is worked out in its usual form 
39-41; 742-44; Palaestra, the three year old daughter of Daemones, 
strays from home, is stolen, and sold to a procurer, Labrax, who 
brings her to Cyrene. She is a young woman when the action begins. 
᾿Αναγνώρισις is effected through the medium of trinkets, with which 


18 Other passages in Roman comedy which confirm the notion that the alien was at 
a disadvantage in court are the following: Andria 810-12, where Crito is warned by the 
examples of others how useless it would be for him, a stranger, to take a matter to court; 
Asin. 480, 81, where a foreigner, the young man from Pella, summons a slave to trial, 
but almost immediately decides to resort to his fists, realizing his inequality before the 
law with the slave’s master, who was his legal representative; Poen. 1403, where Hanno 
sees that if he should want to take vengeance on the procurer he would be going to law 
‘in alieno oppido.’ (Though this occurs in the alter exitus of the Poen., which is not 
genuine—cf. Langen Plaut. Stud. 343 ff., Leo Pl. Forsch? 175 τι. 3—yet it will serve as 
cumulative evidence, being in harmony with other evidence on the point. The author 
would be likely to observe the general principles of Plautine technique). Cf. Ar. 
Knights 347, which shows the prejudice even against resident aliens; Birds 1431; 


1454-58. 


19 Thiele “Plautusstudien” Hermes 48(1913) pp. 522 ff., in an article which deals 
in part with the case of the foreigner in the Rudens, says that in the Amphiiruo the 
harbor at Thebes is thought of as the Piraeus. He seems to imply the general assump- 
tion that in comedies where the scene was laid outside Athens the point of view was 
Athenian rather than foreign—a view contrary to our general assumption. 


20 It has been maintained by Hiiffner De Plauti Com. Exemplis Aiticis pp. 23, 24 
note, that the action of certain plays was laid outside of Athens to protect Athenian 
respectability. Leo Pl. Forsch. 220 n. 1 agrees with this and says that a stolen child 
may not be brought to Athens. But it appears very doubtful, as Legrand Rev. des Et. 
grec. 16, 367, 68, points out. He shows that in the Persa a stolen child is sold at 
Athens by a merchant who is an Athenian citizen. Though he is a pseudo-merchant 
and the purchaser is punished, yet the possibility of the sale taking place at Athens 
remains, and the good name of the city suffers as much as though the sale were gen- 


uine. 


Fin? tie Peek 


δεν εν tes eae fh, 


nti es 


en ae i il hoadicd BE ale tds ak PARAS LSD 


tte ar 


¥ 


SE tele a ial ee ay AL gh 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 81 


Palaestra is familiar. She is aware of her origin, and no doubt Tra- 
chalio had learned from her of her Athenian birth, knowledge which 
he shows 738, 39. Since the playwright needs the situation of a 
free-born girl in a procurer’s hands for the development of his plot, 
he has no alternative; the girl must be a foreigner. It has been 
shown in the Curculio and the Persa that a free girl could not be held 
as a Slave in her own country. The love motif has a development- 
similar to that in the Poenulus. Plesidippus presses his suit before 
he is aware that the girl is his compatriot, as did Agorastocles. 
Plesidippus is a kinsman of Daemones, 1198, 1214, as Agorastocles 
of Hanno. In 746 Labrax says that it matters not to him whether 
the girls were born in Athens or Thebes. The essential elements in 
the plot, the kidnapping and the recognition, would have developed 
satisfactorily in either case. But to the playwright it is essential to a 
satisfactory outcome that the marriage be legal," and this would not 
have been assured had they been citizens of different states. 

The Menaechmi also employs the same theme. A father took one 
of his twin sons with him from Syracuse to Tarentum, where the lat- 
ter strayed away and was carried off by a merchant of Epidamnus, 
27 ff. The merchant adopted him as his son and made him heir to his 
fortune, 60 ff., a procedure which was contrary to Athenian law,” 
whatever the law of other Greek cities, and specifically Epidamnus, 
on this point was. At the beginning of the action the other twin, 
grown to manhood, appears in Epidamnus in search of his brother. 
The recognition is effected by the help of the slave Messenio, another 
alien. He is aware of the purpose of his master’s travels, 232-34, and 
would be on the alert, confident that freedom would be his reward, 
as it proved to be, 1148, if he were responsible for the recognition. 
He could more easily recognize the other twin, being able to compare 
the features of both.” 


1 Cf. supra p. 76 n. 10. 

2 It required the sworn assurance by the one who adopts that the child adopted 
is an Attic citizen. See P. Gide, E. Caillemer in Darem. et Sagl. s.v. adoptio; 
Thalheim in Pauly-Wissowa s.v. adoption; Beauchet Hist. du Droit Privé de la Répub- 
lique Athénienne ΤΙ 42, 43. Isaeus Περὶ ᾿Απολλοδώρου «κλήρου 16 gives ancient author- 
ity. It is likely that Attic law would affect the legal material in the plays of most of 
the Hellenistic dramatists, even in those plays where the setting is in a Greek city other 
than Athens. 

23 Cf. the first words of the two searchers on first seeing Menaechmus of Epidam- 
nus. Messenio says, 1062: pro di immortales! quid ego video? speculum tuom. Men- 





THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


The Menaechmi shows clearly what the Greek playwright’s difficul- 
ties would be if he attempted to elaborate the lost-relative theme 
issuing in recognition without employing foreigners. In London or 
Berlin of today recognition might reasonably be avoided for a long 
time, but in the Greek town one day brought many recognitions to 
Menaechmus-Sosicles. The fact that he was taken for his brother 
does not weaken the point. No doubt the playwright was forcing the 
situation, in a measure, for dramatic purposes. Yet he could not 
possibly have forced it far enough to make it work in a large city. 

The double kidnapping and the double recognition in the major 
plot of the Poenulus necessitate a larger number of foreigners than is 
to be found in any other play. Agorastocles, at the age of seven 
years, was carried off from Carthage, 66, brought to Calydon, and 
sold to a rich man, 71, 72, who was unaware of the relation of guest- 
friendship which existed between himself and the boy’s father. 
The rich man adopted him and made him his heir,44 76, 77. The two 
daughters of Hanno, cousin of Agorastocles’ father, at the age of four 
and five, were carried away with their nurse from Carthage, and 
sold at Anactorium to a procurer, who brought them to Calydon, 
84 ff. When the action of the play takes place, they are on the eve of 
being declared professional courtesans, 1139. The necessity of for- 
eigners in the plot as it stands is twofold: first, kidnapped children 
cannot be sold except far from home, as has already been shown; 
second, recognition of lost relatives, as has been seen repeatedly, 
necessarily involves the foreigner. Both statements above apply 
equally to Agorastocles. Also, by making her lover of the same 
nationality as Adelphasium instead of a native of Calydon, the play- 
wright provides for a lawful marriage between them. Furthermore, 
Agorastocles may legally become the heir to the property of Hanno, 
1085. a thing which could not take place if he were a native. As in 
the Phormio and the Eunuchus the nurse is employed to effect the 
recognition. In the Poenulus she is the sole means, 1122 ff., and 
hence is another foreigner who serves a dramatic purpose. The 
recognition of Agorastocles is accomplished by means of the tessera 





aechmus Sosicles says, 1064: pol profecto haud est dissimilis, meam quom formam 
noscito. Messenio sees an exact likeness and is much excited over it; Menaechmus 
Sos. is only mildly interested. 


344 Cf. the similar illegal procedure in Menaechmz 60 ff. 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 83 


hos pitalis, 1047 ff., which introduces the guest-friendship motif, and 
thus the foreign element is further enlarged. It is clear from this 
discussion that the major plot of the Poenulus is constructed entirely 
around personae peregrinae. 

The leading interest in the Andria is the love affair between 
Pamphilus and Glycerium. The dramatist must provide a sweet- 
heart for Pamphilus to whom his father objects, whose objec- 
tions will be removed by the discovery that she is a citizen. The lost- 
child theme is employed to supply the demand. It is introduced 
not, as is usual, by kidnapping but by the accident of a shipwreck, 
923, 24, which serves the same purpose, viz., that of separating a child 
from its parents. The girl, now grown up, has come to Athens in 
company with her adopted sister, Chrysis, who is an Andrian. A 
means of bringing about the recognition of Glycerium, and of estab- 
lishing the fact that she is an Athenian citizen, which is necessary to 
bring the love affair to a satisfactory conclusion, must be provided, 
and that requirement is responsible for the introduction of the 
Andrian, Crito, the only foreigner who takes part in the action. 
The situation in the play is impossible if anybody in Athens is in a 
position to recognize Glycerium without the help of external testi- 
mony. If Glycerium went to Simo with her full knowledge of her 
early history nobody could confirm her statement except an Andrian 
such as Crito. Crito’s coming is naturally motivated, and Simo’s 
sneer, 916, 17, at the coincidence of his arrival and the wedding day is 
justified only because he has not been informed of the reason for the 
Andrian’s coming. Yet the criticism of Donatus (on 796) that he is a 
persona machinata has some point. A modern dramatist would be 
careful to prepare the way for the important réle which he played in 
act V by at least casually referring to him earlier in the play. 

The Phormio has been discussed, supra p. 75 ff.,in connection 
with another theme. Just a word may be said about it in relation 
to the lost-relative theme. Terence’s treatment of the theme in this 
play is not of the stock variety. Instead of the regular separation of 
many years there is but a short period. Instead of a proper ἀναγνώ- 
ρισις there is the discovery that Antipho’s sweetheart is Chremes’ 
daughter, and that she has come to Athens seeking her father. 


Chremes must certainly have recognized the girl had he seen her, for 


7 ᾿ - . . . . ee . 
she had only left Lemnos since his last periodic visit there, though it 


had been delayed longer than usual, 569. Phanium and the nurse 





84 THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


must be foreigners for this phase of the plot as well as for the phase 
which treats the seduction theme. 

A complication of the kidnapping and captive-in-war motif leads 
to the employment of foreigners in the Captivt. The scene of the 
action is Aetolia, 94. A child belonging to an Aetolian family is stolen 
at four years and carried off to Elis by Stalagmus, a slave of Hegio, 
the child’s father, 8,9. War arising between the two states Philopole- 
mus, brother of the kidnapped child, is taken captive by the Eleans, 24, 
25. Therestoration of the twosons to their home, which is the dram- 
atic purpose, requires the assistance of foreigners. Philocrates and 
his slave Tyndarus, Elean captives in Aetolia, are purchased by Hegio, 
to be employed in ransoming Philopolemus. His recovery is thus 
effected, and the supposed slave, Tyndarus, turns out to be the kid- 
napped son. His return home is thus also due to the fact that foreign- 
ers are brought to Aetolia as captives in war. The same means is 
responsible for his recognition, for the exigencies of war also restore 
to Aetolia Stalagmus, the run-away slave, by whose confession Tyn- 
darus becomes known. 

A discussion of the Miles may perhaps best be appended to that of 
the lost-relative theme, though the connection is a loose one at best. 
The kidnapping differs from its usual form in that a grown girl and 
not a child is the victim, 112, 13. The action of the pirates in inter- 


cepting and carrying off Palaestrio has no parallel in New Comedy. 


The recognition element in 122, 23, so far from forming the dénoue- 
ment, is only incidental and appears previous to the action. The 
person to whom the kidnapped girl is restored is not her mother, 
from whom she was taken, but her lover; while the length of time 
between the kidnapping and the dénouement is short compared with 
the time in plays which handle the theme in the regular way. From 
113 it is learned that Ephesus is the scene of the play. The plot as 
outlined above necessitates three foreign réles, that of the kidnapped 
girl, that of her lover, and that of his slave. Athenians become 
foreigners for our purpose here, as was the case in the Rudews. 
The thread of the plot thus far is unimportant, however, 
compared with the grotesque characterization of the miles and with 
the hole-in-the-wall story. The latter is successfully elaborated only 
by the help of the three characters from abroad. The fact that 


THE FOREIGNER IN HELLENISTIC COMEDY 


Periplectomenus”™ is a guest-friend of the father of Pleusicles, the 
lover, 135, explains why Pleusicles could depend on his aid, which 
was essential.*® 

It is, therefore, perfectly clear that the main reason why the poets 
of Hellenistic and Roman comedy so frequently introduce the for- 
eigner is that he may satisfy the economic needs of the plot. Beyond 
the shadow of a doubt the writers employ the character of the 
foreigner because they are forced to do so by their conventional 
subjects; and so he becomes almost entirely a dramatic convenience. 
This. it will be remembered, is in significant contrast to the treatment 
of the foreigner in Old Comedy, where he enters by way of incidental 
allusion or, at most, as an episodic réle. And our conclusion may 
indicate how limited are the statements in the ancient Prolegomena 
to comedy, in which foreigners, along with slaves, are said to have 
been objects of personal attack in New Comedy.” 


% The character of Periplectomenus is often spoken of as an Athenian type 
However, Niemeyer Berl. Phil. Woch. 1 352 is differently impressed: Wie trefflich 
persifliert der attische Dichter die Jovialitat héchster Potenz durch Vorfiihrung 
dieses albernen Ephesiers! 

6 The Samia of Menander may very well have elaborated the theme of the lost 
relative with recognition as its issue; yet it has not been included in the discussion 
because it is so fragmentary and because the end of the play containing the dénoue- 
ment has been lost. The explanation of Capps Four Plays of Menander p. 226 that 
the supposed Samian girl is revealed as the daughter of an Athenian citizen and joined 
in lawful wedlock to Demeas, is a reasonable solution, but I see no reason why it is 
inevitable. Koerte Men. editio maior pp. XXXII, XXXIII says merely that the 
play is moving toward a happy issue. 

27 Cf. supra pp. 14,15. The main thought elaborated in the chapter above has 
been very briefly dismissed by Legrand Daos p. 68. 





INDEX 


Acanthus, 40, 41 

Ancient theory that New Comedy at- 
tacked foreigners, 14, 15 

Apulia, 49 

Arabia, 44, 51 

Argos, 22, 38, 51 


Boeotia, 22, 27, 30 ff., 51, 62, 65, 66, 67 
Byzantium, 23, 38 


Campania, 49 

Caria, 25, 27, 47 

Carthage, 50, 53, 68 

Carystus, 23 

Ceos, 41 

Chalcis, 37 

Chios, 52 

Cilicia, 26 

Comedy, an issue of early iambic poetry, 
52 

Corinth, 22, 27, 34 ff., 51, 52 

Costume of the foreigner in Hellenistic 
comedy, chap. iv; conventionality of, 
54, 59; as a medium for ridiculing the 
foreigner, 60; the foreigner and travel- 
ler similar in costume, 54, 59 

Crete, 52 

Cyrene, ΑἹ 


Delos, 41 

Dialect of the foreigner in comedy, chap. 
v; evidence chiefly from Aristophanes, 
61; realism in the use of, 65, 66; extent 
of use, 65, 68; as a medium for ridicul- 
ing the foreigner, 66, 67; Laconian, 61, 
62; Boeotian, 62; Megarian, 62; Ionic, 
62 


Egypt, 24, 43, 44, 51 
Epidamnus, 36 
Etruria, 49 


Fabula Atellana, 15, 16 
Foreigner and native in earliest Greek 
comedy, distinction between, 11, 12 


Foreigner, the, in Aristophanes and Old 
Comedy, chap. ii 

Foreigner, the, in the technique of 
Hellenistic comedy, chap. vi 

Foreigner, the, without specific national- 
ity, 18, 26, 63; not a clearly defined 
type, 18; the object of ridicule, 8, 15, 
16, 17, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 38, 
41, 43, 45, 46, 48, 51, 60, 63, 66, 67; 
treated differently in Old and New 
Comedy, 27, 28, 69, 85 


Greek tragedy and the foreigner, 16 ff. 


Historical background of the foreigner in 
comedy, 20, 29, 51, 53 


Impostor or mock-foreigner theme, 69, 
70 ff. 
Ionia, 23, 27, 62 


Kidnapping theme, 70, 78 ff., 84 


Lampsacus, 52 

Law, disadvantage of a foreigner before 
the, 80 ff. 

Legality of marriage between a foreigner 
and a citizen, 76, 81, 82 

Lerians, 52 

Lesbos, 23, 27 

Lost-relative theme, 70, 78 ff., 82, 83 

Lydia, 25, 27, 47, 52, 64 


Macedonia, 43 

Maison and tettix, their significance, 13, 
14 

Mantinea, 32 

Massilia, 50, 52 

Megara, 22, 27, 40, 62, 65, 66 

Modern comedy, the foreigner an object 
of satire in, 7, 8 

Mores of the foreigner in Hellenistic 
comedy, chap. iii 

Myconus, 42, 51 

Mysia, 52 


INDEX 


Odomanti, 24 


Persia, 24, 45, 62, 63 

Persian passage in the Acharnians, 62, 63 

Pharsalians, 32 

Phoenicia, 44, 45 

Phrygia, 25, 27, 47, 52 

Political background of comedy in the 
various periods, 11, 12 

Political, social, and legal status of the 
foreigner at Athens, 8, 9 

Pontus, 47 

Praeneste, 48, 64, 65, 67 

Punic passage in the Poenulus, 64, 67, 68 


Recognition theme, 69, 70, 72, 76, 77, 78, 
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84 
Rhegium, 52 


Sardis, 47 

Scythia, 37 

Seduction theme, 70, 75 ff. 

Sicily, 37 

Sparta, 21, 27, 38, 39, 51, 61, 65, 66, 67 
Sunium, 44 

Sybaris, 34, 51 

Syracuse, 23, 27 

Syria, 45, 46, 49 


Terms for foreigner defined: BapBapos, 9; 
ἐκτόπιος, 9, 10; ξένος, 10; barbarus, 10; 
hospes, 10, 11; peregrinus, 11 

Thasos, 52 

Thessaly, 22, 33, 34, 66 

Thrace, 46, 52 

Triballians, 25, 27, 63, 67 

Tunica manuleata, 54, 55, 56, 57 





